This paper reviews the different models commonly used in understanding Herodotus’evidence on the Achaemenid Persian empire. It suggests that these approaches—for example, the assessment of Herodotus’accuracy, of the level of his knowledge, or of his sympathy for the Persians—systematically underestimate the complexity of his (and of the Greeks’) perspective on the Persian empire: the conflicted perspective of a participant rather than just a detached observer.

There is a lot of uncertainty about the attribution of fragments to either Marsyas of Pella or Marsyas of Philippi. This paper challenges the traditional attribution of BNJ 135–136 F 4 (mentioning Midas’chariot with the Gordian knot) to Marsyas of Philippi and argues in favor of the identification of Marsyas of Pella as the author. For ideological and propagandistic reasons, it would fit well into Marysas of Pella’s account of the roots of Argead rule in his first book. By referring to Midas, Marsyas would have been able to link his half-brother Antigonus as the contemporary governor of Phrygia not only with the legendary Phrygian king and his legacy, but also with a Macedonian logos attested by Herodotus, creating a connection between Midas and the foundation of Argead rule. According to this logos, there existed old kinship relations between Macedonians and Phrygians who used to dwell at the foot of Mt. Bermium and were called Briges. This tradition was of propagandistic value and could have served to increase the ideological value of Antigonus’satrapy and main base in the rivalry with the other Diadochs.

Cultic and other honors offered to rulers by their subjects unambiguously express loyalty to the rulers. Based on data collected for the Seleukid and Ptolemaic empires, a comparison is offered emphasizing the particular qualities of the Seleukid record. The comparison considers geographic distribution, where the honors fell on a public to private spectrum, the occupations and ethnicities of the subjects who offered honors individually, the intensity of these practices, and changes in the patterns over time. We know in advance that honors for the rulers are weakly attested for the Seleukid east, and even in Koile Syria and Phoinike. Should this reticence be interpreted as a possible indication of tepid support for Seleukid rule in these regions? Alternative explanations or contributing factors include preexisting cultural habits, different royal policies, destruction of evidence by wars and natural disasters, and the unevenness of archaeological exploration.

The name of Rodogune was not applied only to the well known statuette of Aphrodite Anadyomene from Parthian Nisa, but also to a seal impressed on a sealing from the Nisa Square House. Although the attribution of the seal, unlike that of the statuette, was not discussed in detail, the portrait depicted on it was recognized as that of the Arsacid princess. Actually, the head is not female, but male, and can in all likelihood be that of Apollo with a laurel wreath. The style of execution suggests a relatively late date for the seal, not before the end of the 1st century BC –1^st century AD, and allows its impression to be included in the general group of sealings from the Square House of Nisa.

The question of the identity of the issuer of the so-called “Heraios”coinage is analysed, and it is proposed that these series be ascribed to Kujula Kadphises, as already suggested by some scholars. In this regard, the circulation of these coins and the connections established by their imagery are focused upon. Some possible inferences on the original location of Kujula Kadphises are discussed in the concluding part, hypothesizing a southern context different from the northern one commonly ascribed to the founder of the Kushan dynasty.

In March of 2021, the Berlin-based company cmp continued geophysical prospection works at the ancient city of Artashat-Artaxata (Ararat Province, Armenia). The city was founded by Artashes-Artaxias I in the early 2nd century BC and served as his capital. First magnetic measurements were conducted by the Eastern Atlas company in September 2018. In 2021, during the 5-day survey a total surface of approximately 19.5 ha was investigated by use of the LEA MAX magnetic gradiometer array. This system was configured with seven fluxgate gradiometer probes, similar to the system used in the first survey of 2018. The investigated areas of the Eastern Lower City of Artaxata, located to the south of the investigated field of 2018, had good surface conditions with a moderate amount of sources causing disturbance. However, the general level of the magnetic gradient values measured was significantly lower compared to the 2018 data. Despite the lower magnetic field intensity, a continuation of linear structures towards the south was observed. These lines, most likely reflecting streets and pathways, criss-cross the central part of the Eastern Lower City in a NW–SE and NE–SW direction and exhibit partly positive, partly negative magnetic anomalies. Attached to them, some isolated spots with building remains were identified. The negative linear anomalies point to remains of limestone foundations, as detected in the northern part of the Lower City. The low magnetic intensity and fragmentation of the observed structures are most likely due to severe destruction of the ancient layers by 20th-century earthworks for agricultural purposes. Moreover, the southern part of the surveyed area was affected by major changes caused by modern quarries at Hills XI and XII. In general, the results of the two magnetic prospection campaigns greatly aid our understanding of the archaeological situation in the area of the Eastern Lower City of Artaxata, justifying further investigations that will surely contribute to greater contextualization of the identified archaeological structures. The full data sets are also published in open access on Zenodo.

Pompey the Great’s 63 BCE conquest of the Jewish kingdom known as the Hasmonean State has traditionally been viewed as an inevitable event since the Roman Republic had long desired to annex the Middle Eastern nations. The prevailing consensus is that the Romans captured the Hasmonean state, removed its high-priest kings from power, and made its territory part of the Republic merely through military force. However, Justin’s Epitome of the Philippic Histories of Pompeius Trogus is a neglected source of new information for understanding relations between the Romans and the Jews at this time. Trogus’s brief account of this period alludes to a more specific reason, or at least, circumstance for Pompey’s conquest of Judea. His work contains evidence that the Jews were involved in piracy, of the type the Republic had commissioned Pompey to eradicate. In addition to this activity that adversely affected Roman commercial interests in the Mediterranean, the Jews were also involved with the Seleucid Empire and the Nabatean Arabs, both of whom had dealings with the Parthians. Piracy, coupled with Rome’s antagonism towards the Parthians, negatively impacted the Republic’s attitude towards the Jews. Considering the evidence from Trogus, Roman fears of Jewish piracy and Jewish links to the Republic’s Parthian enemies were not unfounded.

In the Parallel Lives, Aristides and Themistocles are two antithetical characters. This opposition, already present in Herodotus’work and common to the literary tradition of the Persian wars, is particularly emphasized by Plutarch who shapes two characters endowed with opposing character traits who adopt completely different behaviors towards friends or wealth. This profound contrast is intended to highlight the collaboration between the two Athenians, ready to put aside personal differences to devote themselves together to the war against the Persians. The episode of reconciliation is in fact located, unlike other sources (Aristotle, Diodorus), before the battle of Salamis. However, Aristides and Themistocles do not limit themselves to settling their differences : they also take on the role of mediators during the war in order to address the disagreements between Athens and the other Greek cities and avoid hindering the common struggle against the barbarians. To do this, Plutarch adapts some passages of Herodotus (directly or by choosing sources that made such changes) to insert the protagonists of the Lives and create a climate of tension that they can happily resolve. His authorial choices appear consistent with the criticisms against Herodotus in De Herodoti Malignitate. The reflection about the Persian wars in Plutarch’s corpus seems therefore to be animated by a coherent vision, born from the tradition elaborated by the Attic orators in the fourth century : the conflict is seen as a privileged moment of the union between the Greeks, capable of overcoming the almost endemic rivalries that oppose them in view of the common good.

Several recently discovered lead ingots refer to mining districts in the region of present-day Kosovo. Of particular interest is an ingot with the inscription metallo(rum) Messalini, which refers to M. Valerius Messala Messalinus Corvinus (cos. ord. 3 BC), who was employed as a commander during the Pannonian-Dalmatian uprising of 6–9 AD. He was obviously one of the senators whom Augustus not only honoured with awards for their service, but whom he also supported economically, not unlike Cn. Calpurnius Piso (cos. ord. 7 BC), who had received saltus in Illyricum. These gifts served to create loyalty; but they were precarious gifts because when loyalty ceased, they were reclaimed for the imperial patrimonium.

Without having any contemporaneous account of the Bar Kokhba Revolt comparable to the writings of Josephus that describe the First Jewish Revolt, our knowledge about many aspects of the later uprising is rather sketchy. The publication of Roman military diplomas and the remarkable series of documents recovered from caves in the Judaean Desert, along with other major archaeological findings, has filled in just some of missing details. This study is devoted to a reexamination of the rebel coinage. It has highlighted the importance of the numismatic evidence in helping to elucidate the religious ideology that succoured the rebellion and shaped its leadership.

This article examines defeats and losses as phenomena of an ‘expanded military history’ of Roman History from the Republic to the Principate. It adopts a cultural historical perspective of the military historical phenomenon. “Patterns”and “strategies”are defined, that appear in the sources when dealing with Roman defeats, losses and losers (in particular the commanders or even the emperor himself). Above, the historiography of the Roman imperial period is exemplary examined to see what reasons, interpretations or explanations are given there for suffering a defeat and whether and how these are part of narrative strategies. Sometimes military catastrophes simply were concealed, belittled or reinterpreted. How Rome dealt with defeat tells something about Rome’s society and especially the elite: “Roman culture”or “Rome’s political culture” shaped the way how the military phenomenon of defeat was dealt with. Defeats could also be seen as chances for future victories, they were good for learning and examples for withstanding with the help of morale and disciplina. In the end Rome’s strategies in dealing with such catastrophic events of ‘military history’overall seem to paint the picture of Rome as a resilient socio-political and military system!

The finds from the ancient city of Gerasa brought in 1930’two inscriptions dated to the second half of the 1st century CE which mention the deity called Pakeidas. The aim of this paper is to discuss Pakeidas and his relation to another god labelled Theos Arabikos worshipped in the same city. The authors make a broad Semitic overview on the etymology of the name Pakeidas looking at the West and East (Akkadian) Semitic evidence. The authors discuss the possible location of the temple dedicated to this god beneath the Cathedral. They also reexamine in the light of epigraphic sources in comparison to the Aramaic material from the Near East the function of archibomistai, cultic agents who served to this local god.

Especially in regard to the multitude of depictions on coins and medallions referring to the history of Rome in the early 140s, the omission of corresponding depictions in the year 147/148, when Rome’s birthday was celebrated for the 900th time, is remarkable. Instead of referring to this important event, the coins and medallions of Antoninus Pius present themselves entirely under the sign of his decennalia. Apparently, the reference to the anniversary of the reign was considered more important than Rome’s birthday. Reasons for this decision could have been problems of acceptance, which are only hinted at in the literary sources, which are consistently friendly to Antoninus.

Some evidence points at the presence of Orientals in late Roman Italy: traders (labelled “Syrians”), petty sellers (the pantapolae in Nov. Val. 5), but also students, professors such as Ammianus Marcellinus, or pilgrims. Although being Roman citizens, nonetheless they were considered foreign individuals, subject to special restrictions. The actual strangers made a different case, especially the Persians. The situation of foreign individuals was quite different. Chauvinistic attitudes are widely attested, and they worsened in critical periods, for example after Adrianople. This may explain the laws of early 397 and June 399, promulgated during Stilicho’s regency, which prohibited the wearing of trousers (bracae) and some fashionable boots called tzangae. Of course, some protégés of the imperial court had the right to enter Italy, as it was the case of the Sassanian prince Hormisdas, who accompanied Constantius II in his visit of Rome in 357.

In Themistius’orations there are many clear and direct references to the Greek literature of the 5th and 4th centuries BCE. However, there are also more subtle references to these classical texts. In this paper, two references to classical Greek historiography are identified in Themistius’Oration 18. As we shall see, in order to praise the refashioning of Constantinople by Theodosius the Great, Themistius subtly quoted a passage by Xenophon. In order to highlight the splendour of the city of Constantinople, he also used as a reference one of the most eminent classical encomia of cities, that is, Pericles’funeral oration from the second book of Thucydides’ History. Both references served to enhance Themistius’already good relations with Theodosius I, who had recently renovated Constantinople with new monuments. This research thus stresses the relevance of quotations in Themistius’orations when studying his political agenda, including quotations that are less obvious and less easily identifiable.

This essay discusses the importance of Ctesiphon in the historical and literary tradition of Sasanian and Post-Sasanian Iran. It is proposed that there was a significant buildup of the Ctesiphon’s defenses in the third century that it made its conquest by the Roman Empire impossible and its gave it an aura of impregnability. By the last Sasanian period the city was not only inhabited by Iranian speaking people and a capital, but it also became part of Iranian lore and tradition, tied to mythical Iranian culture-heroes and kings. Even with the fall of the Sasanian Empire, in Arabic and Persian poetry the grandeur and memory of Ctesiphon was preserved as part of memory of the great empires of the past.

The homily on the Avar siege of Constantinople in 626 attributed to Theodore Syncellus shares numerous linguistic features both with Theodore’s homily of 623 on the Virgin’s Robe and with George of Pisidia’s poem of 626/7 on the siege. Theodore and George both celebrate the combined efforts of Patriarch Sergius and the Virgin Mary in saving the city, but Theodore also highlights the involvement of other agents, in particular the patrician Bonus and the young Heraclius Constantine, who were jointly in charge of the city while Emperor Heraclius was campaigning against the Persians. The homily is structured around the exegesis of three Old Testament passages: the promise in Isaiah 7 to King Ahaz about the salvation of Jerusalem; the analysis of numbers in Zachariah 8.19; and God’s destruction of Gog and Magog in Ezekiel 38–39.

The centenary of the establishment of the Department of Classics at the University of Kraków coincides with that of the beginnings of the study of the ‘Pompeii of the Syrian Desert.’In spring 1920, British Indian soldiers digging in the ruins known as Salihiyeh overlooking the Euphrates accidentally revealed ancient paintings. Recorded by archaeologist James Henry Breasted, these discoveries would soon lead to further excavations by Franz Cumont (1922–1923), and eventually to the great Yale-French Academy expedition under Mikhail Rostovtzeff (1928–1937). By then the site was famous as ‘Dura-Europos,’giving us remarkable insights into Hellenistic Greek, Parthian, Roman, early Christian and Jewish life in the Middle East. Not the least of the discoveries related to the soldiers of Dura’s Roman garrison. This paper traces the history of the revelation—and, in part, invention—of Dura-Europos in the 1920s. It is a story of eminent scholars, but also of others who actually revealed the evidence: soldiers, both officers and men, of the armies of the British and French empires which dominated the region at the time. Today, at a time of ‘decolonisation’of scholarship, the very formulation ‘Dura-Europos’itself is a subject of contention.

This paper reviews the different models commonly used in understanding Herodotus’evidence on the Achaemenid Persian empire. It suggests that these approaches—for example, the assessment of Herodotus’accuracy, of the level of his knowledge, or of his sympathy for the Persians—systematically underestimate the complexity of his (and of the Greeks’) perspective on the Persian empire: the conflicted perspective of a participant rather than just a detached observer.

There is a lot of uncertainty about the attribution of fragments to either Marsyas of Pella or Marsyas of Philippi. This paper challenges the traditional attribution of BNJ 135–136 F 4 (mentioning Midas’chariot with the Gordian knot) to Marsyas of Philippi and argues in favor of the identification of Marsyas of Pella as the author. For ideological and propagandistic reasons, it would fit well into Marysas of Pella’s account of the roots of Argead rule in his first book. By referring to Midas, Marsyas would have been able to link his half-brother Antigonus as the contemporary governor of Phrygia not only with the legendary Phrygian king and his legacy, but also with a Macedonian logos attested by Herodotus, creating a connection between Midas and the foundation of Argead rule. According to this logos, there existed old kinship relations between Macedonians and Phrygians who used to dwell at the foot of Mt. Bermium and were called Briges. This tradition was of propagandistic value and could have served to increase the ideological value of Antigonus’satrapy and main base in the rivalry with the other Diadochs.

Cultic and other honors offered to rulers by their subjects unambiguously express loyalty to the rulers. Based on data collected for the Seleukid and Ptolemaic empires, a comparison is offered emphasizing the particular qualities of the Seleukid record. The comparison considers geographic distribution, where the honors fell on a public to private spectrum, the occupations and ethnicities of the subjects who offered honors individually, the intensity of these practices, and changes in the patterns over time. We know in advance that honors for the rulers are weakly attested for the Seleukid east, and even in Koile Syria and Phoinike. Should this reticence be interpreted as a possible indication of tepid support for Seleukid rule in these regions? Alternative explanations or contributing factors include preexisting cultural habits, different royal policies, destruction of evidence by wars and natural disasters, and the unevenness of archaeological exploration.

The name of Rodogune was not applied only to the well known statuette of Aphrodite Anadyomene from Parthian Nisa, but also to a seal impressed on a sealing from the Nisa Square House. Although the attribution of the seal, unlike that of the statuette, was not discussed in detail, the portrait depicted on it was recognized as that of the Arsacid princess. Actually, the head is not female, but male, and can in all likelihood be that of Apollo with a laurel wreath. The style of execution suggests a relatively late date for the seal, not before the end of the 1st century BC –1^st century AD, and allows its impression to be included in the general group of sealings from the Square House of Nisa.

The question of the identity of the issuer of the so-called “Heraios”coinage is analysed, and it is proposed that these series be ascribed to Kujula Kadphises, as already suggested by some scholars. In this regard, the circulation of these coins and the connections established by their imagery are focused upon. Some possible inferences on the original location of Kujula Kadphises are discussed in the concluding part, hypothesizing a southern context different from the northern one commonly ascribed to the founder of the Kushan dynasty.

In March of 2021, the Berlin-based company cmp continued geophysical prospection works at the ancient city of Artashat-Artaxata (Ararat Province, Armenia). The city was founded by Artashes-Artaxias I in the early 2nd century BC and served as his capital. First magnetic measurements were conducted by the Eastern Atlas company in September 2018. In 2021, during the 5-day survey a total surface of approximately 19.5 ha was investigated by use of the LEA MAX magnetic gradiometer array. This system was configured with seven fluxgate gradiometer probes, similar to the system used in the first survey of 2018. The investigated areas of the Eastern Lower City of Artaxata, located to the south of the investigated field of 2018, had good surface conditions with a moderate amount of sources causing disturbance. However, the general level of the magnetic gradient values measured was significantly lower compared to the 2018 data. Despite the lower magnetic field intensity, a continuation of linear structures towards the south was observed. These lines, most likely reflecting streets and pathways, criss-cross the central part of the Eastern Lower City in a NW–SE and NE–SW direction and exhibit partly positive, partly negative magnetic anomalies. Attached to them, some isolated spots with building remains were identified. The negative linear anomalies point to remains of limestone foundations, as detected in the northern part of the Lower City. The low magnetic intensity and fragmentation of the observed structures are most likely due to severe destruction of the ancient layers by 20th-century earthworks for agricultural purposes. Moreover, the southern part of the surveyed area was affected by major changes caused by modern quarries at Hills XI and XII. In general, the results of the two magnetic prospection campaigns greatly aid our understanding of the archaeological situation in the area of the Eastern Lower City of Artaxata, justifying further investigations that will surely contribute to greater contextualization of the identified archaeological structures. The full data sets are also published in open access on Zenodo.

Pompey the Great’s 63 BCE conquest of the Jewish kingdom known as the Hasmonean State has traditionally been viewed as an inevitable event since the Roman Republic had long desired to annex the Middle Eastern nations. The prevailing consensus is that the Romans captured the Hasmonean state, removed its high-priest kings from power, and made its territory part of the Republic merely through military force. However, Justin’s Epitome of the Philippic Histories of Pompeius Trogus is a neglected source of new information for understanding relations between the Romans and the Jews at this time. Trogus’s brief account of this period alludes to a more specific reason, or at least, circumstance for Pompey’s conquest of Judea. His work contains evidence that the Jews were involved in piracy, of the type the Republic had commissioned Pompey to eradicate. In addition to this activity that adversely affected Roman commercial interests in the Mediterranean, the Jews were also involved with the Seleucid Empire and the Nabatean Arabs, both of whom had dealings with the Parthians. Piracy, coupled with Rome’s antagonism towards the Parthians, negatively impacted the Republic’s attitude towards the Jews. Considering the evidence from Trogus, Roman fears of Jewish piracy and Jewish links to the Republic’s Parthian enemies were not unfounded.

In the Parallel Lives, Aristides and Themistocles are two antithetical characters. This opposition, already present in Herodotus’work and common to the literary tradition of the Persian wars, is particularly emphasized by Plutarch who shapes two characters endowed with opposing character traits who adopt completely different behaviors towards friends or wealth. This profound contrast is intended to highlight the collaboration between the two Athenians, ready to put aside personal differences to devote themselves together to the war against the Persians. The episode of reconciliation is in fact located, unlike other sources (Aristotle, Diodorus), before the battle of Salamis. However, Aristides and Themistocles do not limit themselves to settling their differences : they also take on the role of mediators during the war in order to address the disagreements between Athens and the other Greek cities and avoid hindering the common struggle against the barbarians. To do this, Plutarch adapts some passages of Herodotus (directly or by choosing sources that made such changes) to insert the protagonists of the Lives and create a climate of tension that they can happily resolve. His authorial choices appear consistent with the criticisms against Herodotus in De Herodoti Malignitate. The reflection about the Persian wars in Plutarch’s corpus seems therefore to be animated by a coherent vision, born from the tradition elaborated by the Attic orators in the fourth century : the conflict is seen as a privileged moment of the union between the Greeks, capable of overcoming the almost endemic rivalries that oppose them in view of the common good.

Several recently discovered lead ingots refer to mining districts in the region of present-day Kosovo. Of particular interest is an ingot with the inscription metallo(rum) Messalini, which refers to M. Valerius Messala Messalinus Corvinus (cos. ord. 3 BC), who was employed as a commander during the Pannonian-Dalmatian uprising of 6–9 AD. He was obviously one of the senators whom Augustus not only honoured with awards for their service, but whom he also supported economically, not unlike Cn. Calpurnius Piso (cos. ord. 7 BC), who had received saltus in Illyricum. These gifts served to create loyalty; but they were precarious gifts because when loyalty ceased, they were reclaimed for the imperial patrimonium.

Without having any contemporaneous account of the Bar Kokhba Revolt comparable to the writings of Josephus that describe the First Jewish Revolt, our knowledge about many aspects of the later uprising is rather sketchy. The publication of Roman military diplomas and the remarkable series of documents recovered from caves in the Judaean Desert, along with other major archaeological findings, has filled in just some of missing details. This study is devoted to a reexamination of the rebel coinage. It has highlighted the importance of the numismatic evidence in helping to elucidate the religious ideology that succoured the rebellion and shaped its leadership.

This article examines defeats and losses as phenomena of an ‘expanded military history’ of Roman History from the Republic to the Principate. It adopts a cultural historical perspective of the military historical phenomenon. “Patterns”and “strategies”are defined, that appear in the sources when dealing with Roman defeats, losses and losers (in particular the commanders or even the emperor himself). Above, the historiography of the Roman imperial period is exemplary examined to see what reasons, interpretations or explanations are given there for suffering a defeat and whether and how these are part of narrative strategies. Sometimes military catastrophes simply were concealed, belittled or reinterpreted. How Rome dealt with defeat tells something about Rome’s society and especially the elite: “Roman culture”or “Rome’s political culture” shaped the way how the military phenomenon of defeat was dealt with. Defeats could also be seen as chances for future victories, they were good for learning and examples for withstanding with the help of morale and disciplina. In the end Rome’s strategies in dealing with such catastrophic events of ‘military history’overall seem to paint the picture of Rome as a resilient socio-political and military system!

The finds from the ancient city of Gerasa brought in 1930’two inscriptions dated to the second half of the 1st century CE which mention the deity called Pakeidas. The aim of this paper is to discuss Pakeidas and his relation to another god labelled Theos Arabikos worshipped in the same city. The authors make a broad Semitic overview on the etymology of the name Pakeidas looking at the West and East (Akkadian) Semitic evidence. The authors discuss the possible location of the temple dedicated to this god beneath the Cathedral. They also reexamine in the light of epigraphic sources in comparison to the Aramaic material from the Near East the function of archibomistai, cultic agents who served to this local god.

Especially in regard to the multitude of depictions on coins and medallions referring to the history of Rome in the early 140s, the omission of corresponding depictions in the year 147/148, when Rome’s birthday was celebrated for the 900th time, is remarkable. Instead of referring to this important event, the coins and medallions of Antoninus Pius present themselves entirely under the sign of his decennalia. Apparently, the reference to the anniversary of the reign was considered more important than Rome’s birthday. Reasons for this decision could have been problems of acceptance, which are only hinted at in the literary sources, which are consistently friendly to Antoninus.

Some evidence points at the presence of Orientals in late Roman Italy: traders (labelled “Syrians”), petty sellers (the pantapolae in Nov. Val. 5), but also students, professors such as Ammianus Marcellinus, or pilgrims. Although being Roman citizens, nonetheless they were considered foreign individuals, subject to special restrictions. The actual strangers made a different case, especially the Persians. The situation of foreign individuals was quite different. Chauvinistic attitudes are widely attested, and they worsened in critical periods, for example after Adrianople. This may explain the laws of early 397 and June 399, promulgated during Stilicho’s regency, which prohibited the wearing of trousers (bracae) and some fashionable boots called tzangae. Of course, some protégés of the imperial court had the right to enter Italy, as it was the case of the Sassanian prince Hormisdas, who accompanied Constantius II in his visit of Rome in 357.

In Themistius’orations there are many clear and direct references to the Greek literature of the 5th and 4th centuries BCE. However, there are also more subtle references to these classical texts. In this paper, two references to classical Greek historiography are identified in Themistius’Oration 18. As we shall see, in order to praise the refashioning of Constantinople by Theodosius the Great, Themistius subtly quoted a passage by Xenophon. In order to highlight the splendour of the city of Constantinople, he also used as a reference one of the most eminent classical encomia of cities, that is, Pericles’funeral oration from the second book of Thucydides’ History. Both references served to enhance Themistius’already good relations with Theodosius I, who had recently renovated Constantinople with new monuments. This research thus stresses the relevance of quotations in Themistius’orations when studying his political agenda, including quotations that are less obvious and less easily identifiable.

This essay discusses the importance of Ctesiphon in the historical and literary tradition of Sasanian and Post-Sasanian Iran. It is proposed that there was a significant buildup of the Ctesiphon’s defenses in the third century that it made its conquest by the Roman Empire impossible and its gave it an aura of impregnability. By the last Sasanian period the city was not only inhabited by Iranian speaking people and a capital, but it also became part of Iranian lore and tradition, tied to mythical Iranian culture-heroes and kings. Even with the fall of the Sasanian Empire, in Arabic and Persian poetry the grandeur and memory of Ctesiphon was preserved as part of memory of the great empires of the past.

The homily on the Avar siege of Constantinople in 626 attributed to Theodore Syncellus shares numerous linguistic features both with Theodore’s homily of 623 on the Virgin’s Robe and with George of Pisidia’s poem of 626/7 on the siege. Theodore and George both celebrate the combined efforts of Patriarch Sergius and the Virgin Mary in saving the city, but Theodore also highlights the involvement of other agents, in particular the patrician Bonus and the young Heraclius Constantine, who were jointly in charge of the city while Emperor Heraclius was campaigning against the Persians. The homily is structured around the exegesis of three Old Testament passages: the promise in Isaiah 7 to King Ahaz about the salvation of Jerusalem; the analysis of numbers in Zachariah 8.19; and God’s destruction of Gog and Magog in Ezekiel 38–39.

The centenary of the establishment of the Department of Classics at the University of Kraków coincides with that of the beginnings of the study of the ‘Pompeii of the Syrian Desert.’In spring 1920, British Indian soldiers digging in the ruins known as Salihiyeh overlooking the Euphrates accidentally revealed ancient paintings. Recorded by archaeologist James Henry Breasted, these discoveries would soon lead to further excavations by Franz Cumont (1922–1923), and eventually to the great Yale-French Academy expedition under Mikhail Rostovtzeff (1928–1937). By then the site was famous as ‘Dura-Europos,’giving us remarkable insights into Hellenistic Greek, Parthian, Roman, early Christian and Jewish life in the Middle East. Not the least of the discoveries related to the soldiers of Dura’s Roman garrison. This paper traces the history of the revelation—and, in part, invention—of Dura-Europos in the 1920s. It is a story of eminent scholars, but also of others who actually revealed the evidence: soldiers, both officers and men, of the armies of the British and French empires which dominated the region at the time. Today, at a time of ‘decolonisation’of scholarship, the very formulation ‘Dura-Europos’itself is a subject of contention.