NOWOŚCI WYDAWNICZE:
„Solidarność” Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego 1980–1989. Wybór dokumentów, wstęp i oprac. Tomasz Gąsowski i Adam Roliński, Księgarnia Akademicka: Fundacja Centrum Dokumentacji Czynu Niepodległościowego, Kraków 2010, ss. XVI + 766, tabl., il.

Coinage and emperial propaganda of the 3rd century on the example of usurper Julianus’s coinage issues (283?)
The history of the Roman Empire during the crisis of the 3rd century is not well documented. One of the valuable sources which extends our knowledge about that period are coins issued by the emperors. Since over 50 years historians have been arguing over the meaning of representations minted on coins. Some of the researchers interpret them as deliberate imperial propaganda – a mark of a ruler – while others oppose this view. For this reason the author of this paper decided to analyse the coinage issued by one of the usurpers (Iulianus) who attempted to seize power in the 3rd century. The aim of the analysis was to assess the coherence of the message conveyed through the usurper’s coinage. Among slogans and images presented in Iulianus’s coinage there can be found the most popular symbols which appeared on Roman coins of the 3rd century (Victoria and Jupiter’s protection extending over the emperor), whose mintage was supposed to have legitimised his act of usurpation. In the case of the reference to prosperity (Felicitas) it is impossible to decide whether it was deliberate propaganda or sheer coincidence. The most noticeable and meaningful is the reference to the personifi cations of Pannonian provinces (Pannonia Inferior and Superior). This reference had particular signifi cance to Iulianus. It seems that the programme presented in the usurper’s coinage was well thought out and not coincidental.

Samaritans in the Roman Empire in 2nd half of 5th century
The following paper is devoted to social unrest which stirred up in Samaria in the second half of the 5th century under the reign of successive emperors – Marcian, Zeno and Anastasius. The article is an attempt at explaining why after centuries of peaceful existence within the Roman Empire, Samaritans decided to take to arms – what were the reasons and the course of these armed riots. The author analysed both Samaritan and Christian sources. The results of the analysis go against the current views – it appears that until the reign of Emperor Justinian there had not been any large-scale rebellions among Samaritan population. There had been no armed conflict that would engulf a large part of Samaria – only local riots which were of a religious not political character. There had been no rebellion against the ruler or the existing political system – the riots were directed against the Church which was expanding, mostly in spatial terms, its area of influence. Pilgrimage movement of foreign Christianity which posed a serious threat to Samarian places of cult stirred up resistance among the local population which manifested in the form of violent incidents directed against pilgrims headed towards the Holy Land. Sometimes these acts of violence escalated to larger-scale levels of conflict as it happened during the reign of Emperor Marcian. Assessing the level of such incidents under the reign of Zeno, whose rule is traditionally considered in historiography a period of great rebellion against the Roman rule, is a separate issue. Yet careful analysis of the sources indicates that these riots were nothing more than local religious conflicts and they definitely were not an attempt at becoming independent from Rome. What is more the date, 484 A.D., which is universally assigned to this event is inaccurate – the incident took place a few years earlier.

Halych Ruthenia and Byzantium in the period between 11th and 14th c. – selected issues
The article is devoted to the relations between the Halych Kingdom (since 1199 the Halych-Volyn Kingdom) and Byzantium. It focuses on the history of the region of the Lower Transnistria and the lower course of the Danube and their significance for Halych-Bizantine relations. The author presents the interests of both parties in relation to the above-mentioned region, explains the reasons for the exacerbation of relations between Halych and Constantinople in the second half of the 12th century, provides an explanation as to why the Halych prince Yaroslav Osmomysl supported Bulgarians against Byzantium, describes the renewal of Halych-Byzantine alliance under the rule of Roman Mstislavich and the assistance which the Ruthinians provided to the Bulgarian Tzar Ivan Asen II. The final section of the article describes the way in which Halych and Byzantium lost control over the Lower Transnistria and the lower course of the Danube and how these territories were taken over by Mongols.

The oldest version of Mirabilia Urbis Romae and the renovation of the Roman senate in 1143–44. Is the treatise pro-republican in character or is it a mere work of literature?
The oldest version of Mirabilia Urbis Romae was written ca. 1143, i. e. at the same time when the republican fraction in medieval Rome renewed the Roman Senate. Fragments of the oldest version suggest a link between the origins of the treatise and the republican fraction. This connection has been repeatedly pointed out since the 19th century by such historians as: Louis Duchesne, Percy Ernst Schramm, Ferdinand Gregorovius. Nowadays the existence of this link is often negated, e.g. in the works of Chiara Frugoni and Nine Robintje Miedema, who suggest that the treatise has only literary meaning. But the evidence indicating the republican character of the treatise is too strong to accept without objections that the oldest version of Mirabilia is a mere work of literature. The text of the treatise is filled with admiration for the ancient Rome much in the same spirit as the actions of the Senate aimed at restoring some of the old splendor to the neglected city. This clearly indicates a republican undertone in the treatise. The newly elected Senate renovated some of the ancient monuments, ordered the protection of the Traian’s column and began the restoration of the Capitoline Hill, where on the ruins of the Tabularium the Palace of the Senators was build. The importance of the Capitoline is clearly stressed in the oldest version of Mirabilia, where that hill is referred as Caput Mundi. The republican meaning of the treatise is also indicated by: the content of the legend about the equestrian monument of Marcus Aurelius, the lack of mention of other ancient bronze monuments displayed in front of the Lateran Palace, which might be interpreted as the symbols of the power of the popes who considered themselves as heirs of Constantine the Great. The researches conducted by Ingo Herklotz and Norberto Gramaccini also undermine the thesis that the treatise is a mere work of literature. Considering all the evidence, Louis Duchesne’s thesis that the oldest version of Mirabilia was written in the same spirit which inspired the revolution on the Capitoline Hill in 1143–44 and the restoration of the Roman Senate, is still very probable

Humanist Jerzy Werner – the alumnus of Kraków Academy
Jerzy Werner (Georg Wernher) was born in the last decade of the 15th century in a Silesian town of Paczków. He obtained elementary and secondary education in Silesia, began university education at Wittenberg University and continued his studies at Jagiellonian University in Kraków. He completed his studies in Kraków in 1519 and obtained a degree of Bachelor of Free Arts. At the beginning of 1520s following perhaps the example of other humanists, he moved to Hungary, which thus became his new homeland. At the beginning of 1524 he started working as a town clerk in Prešov (Eperies) and in 1526 he became a member of the town council as a town notary. During monarchical quarrels after the defeat at Moháč (Mohács), he became the follower of Ferdinand Habsburg. In 1533 Georg Werner was employed as an adviser to Hungarian Chamber. In 1538 he became the captain of Šariš (Sáros) castle, appointed by Ferdinand I. His most widely known work is De admirandis Hungariae aquis hypomnemation which describes the peculiarities of Hungarian waters and wells. He died in 1556 in Prešov (Eperies).

The Pszczółkas from Krasna near Cieszyn (17th–20th century)
The Pszczółkas were a Catholic family of peasants who lived in Krasna since the 17th century. Not later than in the 18th century they came into possession of land for settlement which remained in their possession for at least seven generations. If the father died at an advanced age, the household was taken over by the youngest son; if the father died prematurely, the household went into the hands of the oldest son. The Pszczółkas played an important role in the history of the village: Andrzej (1720–1783) and Jan (1787–1846) were heads of the village. Paweł (1825–1864) and his wife Maria contributed to the history of Krasna by adopting Jan Binkowski, who became the local teacher. Jan (1879–1926) took active part in Polish national movement just like his relatives and relatives-in law (e.g. Franciszek Tomanek from Ropica and his son Father Rudolf Tomanek, Franciszek Lipa from Bobrek, Andrzej Francus and his son Franciszek, Karol Biłko from Krasna).

Contribution to the history of the 58th New York Volunteers Regiment – Polish Legion
Recently we may witness, both in Poland and in other countries of Central Europe, a growing interest in the American military history, especially in the American Civil War. A lot of people start asking questions about Polish participation in this bloody conflict that torn the American nation apart. Nations such as the Poles or the Irish, who in the 19th century were deprived of their own countries, were also a reservoir of conscripts for nearly every army of that period. Although the fates of the Irish Civil War veterans have extensive literature, the stories of the Polish veterans are still waiting to betold. This article focuses on three letters written by general Wladimir Krzyzanowski, c.o. of the 58th New York Volunteers Regiment (a.k.a. Polish Legion) found in the archives of the Polish Mission at the Orchard Lake Schools, Michigan. The letters (previously not recognized by Polish historians) are valuable documents showing the mechanism of promotions in the Union Army during the Civil War. They are also a primary source for the prosopography of the Polish ACW veterans. Thanks to the New York State Regiments rosters for the period of the Civil War as well as other sources we may trace the course of duty of these soldiers, try to determine their predecessors and successors. These letters are a glimpse into the ordinary life of the soldiers of that period.

Scholarship Fund of Józef Kasparek and its beneficiaries
The article is devoted to the Fund of Józef Kapsarek, a Polish emigrant who for most part of his adult life was an active member of the much distinguished “Czci i Chleba” [Respect and Bread] Institute.
In 1888 he bequeathed to this institution a considerable amount of money which was to be spent on scholarships for Jagiellonian University graduates in medicine. During 20 years there were warded 32 scholarships which allowed 26 graduates to familiarise themselves with French medical achievements in a variety of disciplines. The Scholarship programme promoted young scientists. After the fall of the November Uprising Józef Franciszek Kasparek (1816–1892) left Poland and escaped through Prussia to France. He settled in Reims and started dealing in a profitable business of wine trading. In 1865 he joined the Tax Association which was later renamed as “Czci i Chleba” Institute and whose finances he managed for many years onwards.
The primary source for the following article constituted records kept in the Polish Library in Paris and Jagiellonian University Archives.

Internationalisation of Polish rivers after the First World War
After the First World War victorious countries adopted a rule granting free navigation on all rivers classified as international. This rule applied to such German rivers as the Danube, Elbe, Oder and Neman for which there appointed international river commissions. Poland became a member of International Commission for the Oder as a riverside state. The only commission which finally was not created was the one appointed for the Neman.
During the peace conference in Paris there was considered a Czechoslovakian proposal for the internalization of the Vistula. Poland rejected the motion as Poles considered the Vistula a national river. Yet the Little Treaty of Versailles obliged Poland to apply to the Vistula the same regulations as the Treaty of Versailles assumed for German rivers. Furthermore, Poland lost direct control over the Lower Vistula flowing through Gdańsk, which from now on was to be controlled by the Council of the Port and Waterways of the Free City of Danzig.
Fear of the internationalisation of the Vistula and of German economic expansion made Poland reject the rule of free navigation on international rivers. Poland did not subject its sections of the Warta and Noteć to the International Commission for the Oder and by doing so it contributed considerably to the dissolution of the Commission. What is more, Poland did not ratify the Barcelona Convention

Jędrzejewicz’s reform and the national higher education system in the Second Polish Republic. Strengthening the prerogatives of national authorities
The aim of the article is to present the changes introduced by the so-called Jędrzejewicz’s reform of 1933 to the competences of the national authorities in the field of higher education system and to compare these changes with the previous state of affairs. Special emphasis is placed upon the growth of supervisory competencies of the Minister of Religious Beliefs and Public Enlightenment. The paper uses source documents and is fundamentally based on the analysis of the national legal acts of 1920–1939, supplemented by references to a few statutes of selected academic institutions and reference texts. The paper is divided into fifteen chapters. It starts with a brief outline of the national higher education system and the classification of schools (to the extent adequate for the main subject of the paper). The legal basis for the higher education system and the political background of the reform are also described. Further chapters focus on the elements used in the process of strengthening the prerogatives of the authorities in relation to academic institutions and the importance of such prerogatives for academic autonomy and freedom of science. The following issues have been considered of key significance: the possibility of suspending an entire school or part of it; restriction of a university’s freedom in electing vice-chancellors; strengthening the supervision of collegial and self-government authorities (by means of the general assembly of professors, senate, and the board of the faculty); changes to the rules of setting up and closing down organisational units and professorial chairs; special status of military students. The final part of the paper provides a comprehensive summary in which the author highlights the positive aspects of the reform as well as the restrictions it places on academic freedom. As far as the latter is concerned, the most important changes are: the authority granted to the Minister of Religious Beliefs and Public Enlightenment to temporarily close down an entire school, or some part of it; the necessity of obtaining state approval for electing both a vice-chancellor and pro-vice chancellor, and for passing regulations of the senate and board of the faculty; transferring the authority of appointing directors of research units and of closing down chairs to the national level, which was a serious blow to academic freedom. considerably to the dissolution of the Commission. What is more, Poland did not ratify the Barcelona Convention

Kosovo and Albanian-Yugoslav relations in the period of 1944–1948
The period of the first four years after the end of the Second World War was one of a few examples of cooperation in Albanian-Yugoslav relations. It was one a of a few times when these relations were based not only on ideological similarities but on pragmatic grounds as well. This pragmatic outlook is quite specific for the attitude assumed towards the problem of Kosovo. The abandoning of the concept of Greater Albania propagated in 1941–1944 by the occupation authorities and the incorporation of Kosovo into the Republic of Serbia (within the Yugoslav Federation) aroused resentment among a number of Albanian population living in Kosovo. For the new elite ruling in Tirana cooperation with Belgrade became such an important factor in the process of stabilisation of the state and of the new system that the problem of Kosovo was treated as an internal Yugoslav issue. When in 1948 Yugoslavia was expelled from Cominform, Albanians made the most of this opportunity and freed themselves from under the rule of their northern neighbour. This put an end to the process of unification of the two states. The events of 1948 limited, for quite some time, migration from Albania to Kosovo making the Albanians living in Kosovo „hostages” in Albanian-Yugoslav relations. For Albanian historians, especially those who wrote their works in the period between 1992 and 1997, this short-term Albanian-Yugoslav cooperation resulted in the stigmatisation of a number of people who were labelled traitors of the Albanian nation as they expressed loyalty towards communism joined with a servile attitude towards Belgrade. Serbians pointed to the experiences of 1944-1948 as an example of possible reconciliation between the two states for which the problem of Kosovo was not a destructive issue

Bartłomiej Nowodworski’s project of military training for nobility
In modern Polish Republic there appeared a number of projects postulating the creation of a new military training system. Many political writers urged for the need to open a school for knights. One of the most interesting projects for training and maintenance of cadets for the so-called foreign  contingent was designed by Bartłomiej Nowodworski, a famous knight of Malta and courtier of Sigismund III Vasa. Due to its interesting character the project is worth presenting to a wider circle of historians. Initially Nowodworski presented his concept during local gatherings of the nobility. In 1611 he presented his project during Warsaw Sejm. The project was undoubtedly inspired by the long and painstaking siege of Smolensk, in which Nowodwroski took an active part and during which he could see for himself inadequate preparation of Polish military forces for the execution of regular modern siege operations. A copy of Bartłomiej Nowodworski’s project is kept in the National Library of the Polish Academy of Arts and Sciences (PAU) and Polish Academy of Sciences (PAN) in Kraków, no. 2255, cat. 277–278Bartłomiej Nowodworski’s project of military training for nobility
In modern Polish Republic there appeared a number of projects postulating the creation of a new military training system. Many political writers urged for the need to open a school for knights. One of the most interesting projects for training and maintenance of cadets for the so-called foreign  contingent was designed by Bartłomiej Nowodworski, a famous knight of Malta and courtier of Sigismund III Vasa. Due to its interesting character the project is worth presenting to a wider circle of historians. Initially Nowodworski presented his concept during local gatherings of the nobility. In 1611 he presented his project during Warsaw Sejm. The project was undoubtedly inspired by the long and painstaking siege of Smolensk, in which Nowodwroski took an active part and during which he could see for himself inadequate preparation of Polish military forces for the execution of regular modern siege operations. A copy of Bartłomiej Nowodworski’s project is kept in the National Library of the Polish Academy of Arts and Sciences (PAU) and Polish Academy of Sciences (PAN) in Kraków, no. 2255, cat. 277–278

Sprawozdanie z międzynarodowej konferencji naukowej Australia we współczesnym świecie. Między Azją, Ameryką i Europą (Kraków, 26–27 listopada 2010 roku)

RECENZJA:
Gertrude Enderle-Burcel, Piotr Franaszek, Dieter Stiefel, Alice Teichova (eds.), Gaps in the Iron Curtain. Economic relations between neutral and socialist countries in Cold War Europe, Jagiellonian University Press, Kraków 2009, ss. 293