The aim of the paper is to provide a critical perspective on the concepts of the international security of Poland as defined by the policy makers responsible for the international policy in 1918–1932, that is, before Józef Beck became the Minister of Foreign Affairs, which gave rise to the doctrine of balance between Germany and the Soviet Union. The author’s main conclusion is that the attempts to provide the Polish state with real “material”security in the reality of unstable international order were like squaring the circle. The hopes for alliance with the victorious superpowers of the Entente were not fulfilled because the United States had returned to isolationism and Great Britain did not give any guarantees to any state of continental Europe except France in Locarno. The multilateralism offered by the League of Nations did not yield any fruit because the idea of the collective security turned out to be an illusion. Both the Central-European Bloc and the Intermarium project were merely theoretical concepts. Basically, it is impossible for a historian to provide an ex post outline of a convincing alternative to the activities of Polish diplomacy in relation to those of which we know, no matter how critical their assessment of those actions would be.

The economic policy of Interwar Poland was shaped by two outstanding personalities –Władysław Grabski and Eugeniusz Kwiatkowski. Grabski represented the tradition of liberal economic policy, macroeconomic balance and openness. Kwiatkowski has become a symbol of economic self-sufficiency, independence from outside world and of statism. Interwar Poland faced four big challenges: unification, macroeconomic stabilisation, capitalisation and modernisation, and it succeeded in all those fields. However, the problem of social and national integrity remained unsolved.

The paper deals concisely with issues of the internal security in interwar Poland, especially those related to the political determinants. It contains a discussion of the chronology of the transformations that affected the state of security in the years 1918–1939. In the chronological overview of the changes, several sections can be distinguished: 1) the first months of the formation of the state when the public sentiments were also shaped by the extreme emotions being the effect of the end of the war and by the revolutionary movements in the neighbouring territories; 2) the culmination of the Polish-Bolshevik War in the summer of 1920 when the Soviet Army invaded the territory of Poland under the pretence of social revolution; 3) the relatively peaceful 1920s; 4) the Great Depression (in Poland 1930–1935) with a rapid increase in social unrest; 5) the last four years before the outbreak of WWII, characterised by variable intensity of internal tensions. Of key importance to the internal order was the activity of subversive organisations. The most important ones were the communist movement and the Ukrainian nationalist underground. Both took into account armed fight against the Polish state, either on an ongoing basis or in the future. The state of security was also influenced by legitimate political organisations (socialists, peasants’parties and nationalists) but the threat from them was only of a short-term nature and it was not an immediate effect of the decisions made by leaders of these communities. The state apparatus was forced to struggle against different threats to the internal security. The most severe forms were armed revolts, most of which took place in the early 1920s in the eastern provinces; some of them were provoked by the Soviet secret services. The whole interwar period was full of radical political demonstrations, protests against unemployment, and different forms of peasants’riots. The administration often proved unable to recognise the threats; however, the authorities never allowed the incidents to escalate into a wave of unrest that would jeopardise the national and social order.

The article discusses an important aspect associated with the functioning of every state, namely, the question of ensuring public security by an effective police institution. The significance of these issues was recognized already in pre-partition Poland. No wonder that during the world conflict of 1914–1918, when the hopes of Poland regaining its independence appeared, there also arose ideas for ensuring public security, peace and order in the reborn state. The first to emerge were citizens’ bodies: underlying their actions was the intention to secure persons and their property after the withdrawal of the Russians from the Kingdom of Poland. The initiatives they took resulted first in the formation of citizens’organizations, which were subsequently taken over by local government authorities. This made it possible to develop a local government model of police organization with a territorially limited range of operation. However, when the issues of public security began to be considered from the angle of administering the territory of the reborn Republic as a whole, the concept that prevailed was that of a centralized state police institution, which was brought into effect after independence was regained.

The creation of Polish public administration after regaining independence was characterized by two attributes –continuation (in the legal and organizational aspect) and novelty (personal aspect). At the beginning the process of modernization was uncoordinated, but this changed after the coup d’état. The Great Depression interfered with it, but after 1935 reforms proceeded in the same direction, for the most part. Similarly, the unification process was uncoordinated, gradually becoming more structured and rapid after 1926. Finally, serious changes of voivodship borders were made just before WWII. At the same time, we can observe the growing oppression of the administration, even though it was already detectable in the democratic period, it became stronger and more widespread when Józef Piłsudski’s camp took power. It manifested through physical violence, censorship, and the surveillance of opposition. It reflected not only the ways of the undemocratic government but was also associated with the brutalization of social habits and with the threats to internal security.

The rebuilding of an independent Polish state after the First World War meant, above all, the urgent necessity of unification of three formerly partitioned lands, especially in context of law, economy and administration. This integration process in the Second Republic as a whole, although long and difficult, was successful. Real problems for the state authorities were separatist tendencies and regional antagonisms. The consequences of more than a hundred years of functioning of three partitioned lands within the Prussian (German), Austrian and Russian states resulted in both national and cultural heterogeneity. Interwar Poland was inhabited by a nationally and ethnically diverse population of various faiths. Germans in former Prussian Poland and in Polish part of Upper Silesia had hopes of rejoining the Reich. Ukrainians in south-eastern districts of Poland wanted to win provincial autonomy and –in the future –their own independent state. Moreover, the social and economic consequences of First World War in different regions of Poland, and the reality of the reborn Polish state, created the ground for conflicts, disappointments, and for regional antagonisms, sometimes even evoking separatist moods, especially in the western provinces. The conundrum of national minorities remained unresolved to the end of the Second Polish Republic in 1939. The question of social and national awareness of members of ethnic groups within the Polish society (Kashubians, Silesians, Masurians), like antagonisms between inhabitants of formerly partitioned lands, was a part of the nation-creating process and integration of the country. The gradual unification of different regional populations within the all-Polish social, cultural, political and economic life in the interwar period was cut short by the outbreak of the Second World War.

The standardisation of legal provisions regulating the functioning of the judiciary system was one of the key challenges faced by the Second Republic of Poland at the dawn of its independence. The law that had been created by the partitioners was still used in the first years of interwar Poland. A regulation uniform for the whole country: the Law on Common Courts Organisation, had not entered into force until 1929. Under that regulation, women could enter the profession of judge for the first time in the country’s history. This must be recognized as one of the greatest achievements of interwar Poland, whereas one of its significant failures were the low salaries that hindered the functioning of the courts. Judges had protested against that throughout the interwar period, but they did not manage to gain any considerable pay increase. The 1930s also saw a dispute over judicial independence. The adherents of Józef Piłsudski, who ruled Poland at the time, tried to gain control over the judiciary system, which was perceived by the majority of judges as an attempt to limit their rights. Despite those turbulences, the assessment of actions taken in regard to the judiciary system in the interwar period should be positive. The functioning of the courts achieved a definitely higher level compared to the time before World War I.

Personnel policy is one of the most sensitive elements shaping the military personnel of each army, and we can distinguish several stages of this policy in the Polish Army in the years 1918–1939. The first was related to the regaining of independence by Poland and fights for its borders. At that time, the organizational structures of the army were created and verification commissions were set up, which defined the possibilities of serving in the Polish Army, especially in regard to former soldiers from the forces of partitioning powers. The next period was associated with the transition of the army to the so-called peace organization, when the basis for the promotion pragmatics was defined by law. The third of the stages began after 1926, when after the coup d’état, Marshal Józef Piłsudski and his entourage gained a decisive role in the promotion policy, mainly based on legionary provenance. At that time, many officers left the military, especially those generals who previously commanded the armies of partitioning powers. The organizational system of the Polish Army also changed, as alongside the Ministry of Military Affairs and the General Staff (Main), a new dominant organ was appointed –the General Inspectorate of the Armed Forces –to prepare the army for a future war. After the death of Józef Piłsudski in 1935, the pragmatist approach was advocated by his successor Marshal Edward Rydz-Śmigły, who tried to introduce clear promotion regulations regarding personnel policy in the Polish Army.

The Second Republic of Poland was a country of multiple religions, where the followers of Roman Catholicism, Greek Catholics, Orthodox, Protestants and Jews lived alongside each other. In the reborn Poland, the constitution of the commonwealth was the framework that determined religious policy. All citizens were guaranteed freedom of religion, as well as the right to public and private religious practices. State authorities tried to apply the principle of equality and balance to the various religious associations in their mutual relations. The authorities did not give in to pressure, mainly from the Roman Catholic side, striving to strengthen its dominant position, and they tried to preserve the religious peace in the country. Moreover, due to the national-religious structure of the Second Republic both the ruling class and the broader circles of Polish society assessed individual religious associations through the prism of the relation of a given religious minority to the Polish state and its national interests. Subsequent governments, starting from 1918, tried to prevent (rather without success) religious organizations from becoming centers of nationalistic activity for Germans, Ukrainians, and Belarusians, which was usually directed against Poland. They also attempted to influence the internal affairs of churches and religious associations of national minorities through legal regulations, and to accelerate their possible Polonization.

Twenty years of independence turned out not to be long enough for the process of the construction of a coherent system of social policy to be finished. A complicated opening balance sheet, unfavourable economic and social structure of the state and, last but not least, a permanent lack of resources made it impossible to create a system which would satisfy existing needs. It remained in its construction phase and, though it was becoming more and more comprehensive, it was still extremely underfunded and flawed. This is confirmed by its limited coverage, which resulted from structural barriers. It was impossible to remedy this in the short interwar period, although the scale of problems and shortages was known. With time, social policy in Poland became a mature sphere of state activity, which is confirmed by the new objectives that currently lay before it, and by the regulatory and practical activities undertaken at the end of the 1930s.

The First World War was an important factor in social modernization, bringing a new order of gender in public space. Among the most important changes in the situation of women in the post-war period, historians mention: obtaining full citizenship rights and broad access to education, increasing professional and educational aspirations, the evolution of intra-family relationships, increasing the proportion of active women, loosening of moral norms and a revolution in women’s fashion. Nevertheless, in the Second Republic, there was a visible widening of women’s life opportunities and increase of their independence in many areas of social life and in the public sphere. The granting of passive and active electoral law became the symbol of changes that took place in the social position of women after Poland regained its independence in November 1918.

The aim of this article is to discuss the most important aspects of women’s participation in the political and social life of the Second Republic (1918–1939), as well as to follow social modernization processes in the context of women’s situation: labor market opportunities, educational aspirations, political activity, and changes in family and fashion. Another goal is the analysis of social structures that had the most powerful impact on women’s lives: tradition, economics, law.

The text focuses on select issues related to the transformation of the family in the first half of the twentieth century, such as: changes regarding marital choices and relationships between spouses, changes in the scope of parental roles and the processes of individualization and individual autonomy in the family. It tries to answer the questions about the dynamics of these processes in different social milieus and to indicate factors that accelerated and delayed them. The analysis of the sources and literature concerning family lives does not allow for an unambiguous assessment of the rapidity and range of changes taking place in families. Nevertheless, it exposes the diversity of models existing in family life and shows that it depends on such elements as social environment, gender, idiosyncratic features of the individual, to the same extent as it does on the rate of change.

Finding the answer to the question of what defines social norms in complex historical communities, such as states, nations and social strata can sometimes help understand the rules that they were governed by. This becomes possible by means of research, the aim of which is to reconstruct the areas of social exclusion specific to the particular epoch, that is, the zones where the so-called “statutory indeterminacy”can be observed. Some of the effects of this phenomenon may include the processes of social exclusion. In the paper submitted here, I make an attempt to indicate and describe typical areas of the Second Polish Republic that were conducive to social deprivation. The criteria that guided my choices included, first and foremost, the actual impact on the nature of the social relations and, secondly, their mass scale. In my research I use two essential terms, namely, social exclusion, understood as the state of “non-participation of an individual/family or group in various areas of social life”and margins of society, described both as “structural margins”, after Zbigniew Galor, and as “social margins”. Among the causes leading to the sense of social exclusion I distinguish, 1) the privileged position the Roman Catholic faith and ethnic Poles as representatives of the dominant nation; 2) the standards of exercising political power, especially those adopted after 1926; 3) the civilizational differences; 4) the gap between the centre and the periphery; 5) disparity in the access to health care and social services, etc. Of key importance to some of these processes were, in my opinion, the economic issues, mainly related to restrictions on access to the labour market resulting in increased unemployment and poverty, as well as homelessness and, in the extreme cases, dysfunctional behaviours. I also emphasise the significant impact of the Great Depression on the phenomena that I describe. At the same time, I make an attempt to counterbalance this description with some positive processes in the Second Republic that favoured social inclusion (e.g. universal education and the military service). In conclusion I advance the thesis that despite the significant progress of modernisation, interwar Poland was a state with an excess of processes that favoured the broadly understood exclusion.

* Artykuł powstał w ramach realizacji grantu finansowanego przez Narodowe Centrum Nauki (grant: „Biologiczny standard życia w Polsce 1800–1950. Przemiany wysokości i masy ciała”, nr 2016/21/B/HS3/00028).

Precisely estimating the membership of trade union confederations in Poland in the years 1918–1939 is difficult, but we can assume that there were from 0.8 to 1.4 million trade unionists. Although the number of members of trade union organizations was relatively small, they played an important role in Polish social and political life. The trade union movement in the Second Polish Republic reflected political and occupational splits within the labor force, as well as its regional differentiation during the time of the partition of Poland. Although the membership of main trade union confederations was dynamic, the most influential currents of the movement–class trade unions and national-solidaristic trade unions–remained unchanged.

The period of the Second Polish Republic was a time of dynamic processes of unification and modernisation. They were also reflected in art and architecture. This should not come as a surprise given the fact that Polish artists were involved in the struggle for independence on the battlefields, while they also documented Polish military efforts during the World War I. Later on, they held positions in the state administration, especially in the administrative structures responsible for art patronage and education; finally, they were also active in the field of national propaganda. The authorities of the Second Polish Republic appreciated the importance of modern art, especially that the restoration of independence coincided with a debate about the various definitions of the Polish national style. This debate, which involved supporters of vernacular stylisation and those who promoted modernism, found its complex reflection in the Polish General Exhibition in Poznańin 1929. The exhibition confirmed that the leading role in the process of modernisation was assumed by architecture and urban planning.