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Issue 144 (4)

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Publication date: 23.10.2017

Description

 Digitalizacja czasopisma „Prace Historyczne” została sfinasowana w ramach
umowy nr 613/P-DUN/2017 ze środków Ministerstwa Nauki i Szkolnictwa
Wyższego przeznaczonych na działalność upowszechniającą naukę.

Licence: CC BY-NC-ND licence icon

Editorial team

Volume reviewer dr hab. Jan Jacek Bruski

Issue Associate Editor Zdzisław Zblewski

Issue content

Monika Piotrowska

History Notebooks, Issue 144 (4), 2017, pp. 645-667

https://doi.org/10.4467/20844069PH.17.035.6950
The purpose of this article is to fill the gaps in the biography of Stanisław Radkiewicz by describing the period of his communist activity in Lviv. It focuses on Radkiewicz as one of the organizers of the assassination of Józef Cechnowski. Cechnowski, a police informer (a so-called agent provocateur), was killed by Naftali Botwin in July 1925. Therefore, this paper may be a contribution to Botwin’s biography as well. The article presents this event in a broader historical context, which is essential to explain the socio-political background and the consequences of the assassination. It also shows some aspects of the Botwin myth created by the Communist Party of Poland and supported by the authorities of the Polish People’s Republic. The sources used as the basis of the article are archival documents, especially personal files and memories of direct participants and witnesses of these events in Lviv. It is a little-known episode which had a significant impact not only on Radkiewicz’s career but also on the labour movement in Poland.
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Simon Catros

History Notebooks, Issue 144 (4), 2017, pp. 669-689

https://doi.org/10.4467/20844069PH.17.036.6951
The weakness and uselessness of the French offensive in Saarland to assist Poland is a sensitive point in the history of the French-Polish relations. This offensive has long been analysed as a demonstration of tactical and operational misconceptions of the French high command in the 1930s. We propose here a new analysis of this offensive on the basis of a study of the relationships between the French general staffs and Poland in the years 1938–1939 and their consequences in strategic conceptions. This study focuses on the role the rapid developments of the strategic balance of power and the diplomatic situation in Europe played during the eighteen months preceding the Second World War. As a result, it is possible to understand the decisive role of the disappearance of the Czechoslovak military factor and the reappraisal of the Soviet military factor in the evolution of the role of Poland in the future conflict as assigned by the French general staffs, and especially by general Gamelin, Chief of Staff for the National Defence. 
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Dawid Golik

History Notebooks, Issue 144 (4), 2017, pp. 691-711

https://doi.org/10.4467/20844069PH.17.037.6952
In 1943 the Germans started using agent-provocateur units composed of members of different police formations to combat the independent and communist underground movements in the territories of occupied Poland. Their members, pretending to be Polish or Soviet partisans, contacted local people and subsequently arrested or liquidated the most dangerous activists of the underground. There were several agent-provocateur units operating in the Kraków district of the General Government, and their most intense activity was reported in the Podhale region and in the vicinity of Miechów.
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Mirosław Szumiło

History Notebooks, Issue 144 (4), 2017, pp. 713-737

https://doi.org/10.4467/20844069PH.17.038.6953
In the years 1948–1956, the system of totalitarian Communist rule in Poland entered a phase of stabilization. That did not mean, however, any stagnation of personnel movement within the power elite. The Polish United Workers’ Party (PUWP) was characterized by a very high circulation of people inside its elite. As a result, in the years 1949–1955 two-thirds of the elite were changed. In this text we describe the mechanisms of personnel changes, the role of former activists of the Polish Socialist Party in the elite of the PUWP, the frequency and scale of staff movements, the criteria for getting promoted into the elite and reasons for being degraded. The personnel changes were not groundbreaking as regards quality. The dominant positions still belonged to representatives of a single generation: the former activists of the Communist Party of Poland. The basic criteria for the promotion were, in fact, ideological factors and personal relations. Professionalism and experience played a secondary role.
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Michał Siedziako

History Notebooks, Issue 144 (4), 2017, pp. 739-758

https://doi.org/10.4467/20844069PH.17.039.6954
The article is a historical and political analysis of the preparation of the 1952 election to the first-term Sejm of the Polish People’s Republic. The electoral system implemented in Poland at that time was based on the electoral practice of the Soviet Union both in general and in many details. According to the Soviet political patterns, the MPs were nominated long before the voting day by the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party, who carefully planned the Sejm composition, both politically and socially. Each candidate had to be verified and nothing was accidental. In an attempt to secure its undivided power, the Communist Party would not let the citizens choose their political representatives. The way in which the Sejm of the Polish People’s Republic was elected in 1952 and in later years had very little to do, aside from the name, with free elections, which are invariably at the heart of every democratic political system.
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Marcin Sanak

History Notebooks, Issue 144 (4), 2017, pp. 759-774

https://doi.org/10.4467/20844069PH.17.040.6955
After World War II, Pius XII, Pope in the years 1939–1958, became a victim of Communist propaganda in the countries behind the Iron Curtain, including Poland. The head of the Catholic Church was defamed in speech, in writing and using images. This article focuses on the issue of the image of Pius XII emerging from Polish newspapers, books and brochures in 1945–1958. It presents a synthetic image of the Pope created by the authors of publications which could potentially reach each and every Pole. The propaganda depicted the Bishop of Rome as a fascist, a Nazi, an anti-communist, a supporter of “Anglo-American imperialism,” a warmonger, “the Atlantic Pope,” a capitalist, a nepotist, an enemy of workers and peasants, a Germanophile, an anti-Polish revisionist, and a reactionary in matters of science, faith and morality.
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Karol Kubicki

History Notebooks, Issue 144 (4), 2017, pp. 775-792

https://doi.org/10.4467/20844069PH.17.041.6956
In 1945, A. Hlond, the Primate of Poland authorized by the Pope, created five temporary apo­stolic administrations on the so-called Recovered Territories, which were to operate until new dioceses were founded by the Holy See. On the 26th January 1951 the communist authorities removed the apostolic administrators and replaced them with illegally elected capitular vicars. In this way, for the first time in Poland, the government took control over dioceses using a method that had already been applied in Czechoslovakia and Hungary. It involved replacing legal bishops with temporary administrators willing to cooperate with the Polish government. The decision was taken by the top authorities of communist Poland and its implementation, referred to as “Operation B,” was to be executed by the Ministry of Public Security. The steps taken earlier by the communist authorities could indicate that initially there had already been plans to remove the apostolic administrators in July 1950.
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Ewa Pałasz-Rutkowska

History Notebooks, Issue 144 (4), 2017, pp. 793-809

https://doi.org/10.4467/20844069PH.17.042.6957
The official relations between Poland and Japan started in 1919. Throughout the entire interwar era, till December 1945, when Poland declared war on Japan, they were friendly, although due to geopolitical conditions not especially intense. After the war, the Iron Curtain fell deeper between East and West, and the division between the two camps became sharper. Post-war Poland became totally dependent on the USSR, which impacted the Polish foreign policy towards Japan. This paper examines the negotiations between Poland and Japan which proceeded in the years 1947–1957, and the problem of reestablishing official relations between the two countries after the war.
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Agata Klimek

History Notebooks, Issue 144 (4), 2017, pp. 811-832

https://doi.org/10.4467/20844069PH.17.043.6958
The mass mobilization of women into the workforce which took place in Poland in the 20th century contributed to changes within the institutions of family and marriage. For some women, the ingress into the labour market symbolized an opportunity to develop and gave them fulfillment and satisfaction. However, for others, professional duties became a hardship and synonym for lack of time, monotony and exhaustion. In the article the author analyzed autobiographical narratives of  “ordinary” people which refer to the women’s participation in the labour market. The narratives, which had been composed for autobiographical competitions organized in 1960s, enabled the author to perceive a conspicuous diversity of women’s and their husbands’ attitudes towards the phenomenon which was characteristic of the first decades of the Polish People’s Republic.
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Janusz Kaliński

History Notebooks, Issue 144 (4), 2017, pp. 833-855

https://doi.org/10.4467/20844069PH.17.044.6959
The Polish A4 motorway, with a length of 672 km, runs from the border with Germany via Wrocław, Katowice, Kraków and Rzeszów to the border with Ukraine. The construction of the motorway, interrupted by political, economic and technical factors, stretched over 80 years. Before 1945, it had been built as a German autobahn connecting Berlin with Upper Silesia. After the war, already within the Polish borders, it initially served to connect Lower and Upper Silesia with Kraków, and then became a transit route between Germany and Ukraine. The construction of the final stretch of the motorway was strongly associated with the political changes in Europe after 1989, and especially with the Polish accession to the European Union. European funds had a major impact on the acceleration of investment at the turn of the century.
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Słowa kluczowe: Stanisław Radkiewicz, Naftali Botwin, Communist Party of Poland, agent provocateur, assassination, Lviv, Polish People’s Republic, Józef Cechnowski, interwar period, terror, Poland, France, French-Polish relations, USSR, Second World War, general staffs, international relations, strategy, General Gamelin, agent-provocateur units, partisans, German police, occupation of Poland 1939–1945, General Government, German crimes, Polish Home Army, communists, elite, Polish United Workers’ Party, mechanisms of personnel changes., political system of the Polish People’s Republic, elections, Sejm of the Polish People’s Republic, Polish United Workers’ Party., Pius XII, pope, antipapal propaganda, communist propaganda, Vatican City, People’s Poland, Church in the Polish People’s Republic, Recovered Territories, apostolic administrator, capitular vicar, Operation B, Japan, peace treaty, official diplomatic relations, Cold War, women in the workforce, marriage, family, motherhood, equality, Polish People’s Republic, autobiographical competition, autobiographical narrative, Poland, A4 motorway, road transport, EU funds