The following article is the first part of a broader study dedicated to diplomatic relations between Merovingian monarchs and the Byzantine Empire in the 6th century. The source texts consist of three preserved letters written by Frankish monarchs to emperor Justinian I (527–565). The first part of the article is a presentation of Byzantine envoys whose names appear in the correspondence. The author tries to disambiguate their position and identity as well as answer the question if the envoy’s status can in any way provide solid information about the relations between the two countries. The picture of the envoys emerging from the letters seems in line with canons of imperial diplomacy, even though the scarcity of sources allows only a hypothetical reconstruction of their position. Taking into consideration their status itself, one cannot affirm that they neglected the Frankish partner or that the Merovingian Empire was dependent on Byzantium

The city of Braşov represents the prototype of the frontier urban settlement. Its geographical position, at the frontier of a border area, created a particular environment resulting into a specific life-style marked by conflict and symbiosis. The article focuses on three objectives: developing a terminological background of the frontier-city, presenting the evolution of the urban identification agents and, tracing these elements in the historical discourse produced in Braşov.
The 16^th century is the age of the dissolution of the medieval geographical frontiers. However, new ones come to replace them. In the case of Braşov, after the Ottoman Empire erases the Kingdom of Hungary from the political map, the city seeks refuge in a German identity, looking towards Ferdinand of Habsburg as suitable sovereign. However, this dream is short-lived, and the Saxon city gives up on its long-distance relation to the Habsburg territories. 
After the Reformation, the city is powerful enough to assume its own identity, not a foreign one, but an autochthonous one. Rather than being hospites in Transylvania, the Saxons try to prove that they have been here all along. This is the first step towards the integration of the local identity into a greater one: the national identity.
The cultural production of Braşov offers a variety of sources: diaries, mural inscriptions, notes and, urban chronicles. They represent different types of historical writings concerning various aspects and moments in the evolution of the identity discourse. Most of them are a mixture of political, historical and confessional elements thus, revealing the complexity of urban identity at the Transylvanian border.

The article has as an objective the presentation of the first Polish-language encyclopedia as well as the confrontation with its black legend that has survived until these days, even in academic circles. Attempts have been made in order to overcome, at least partially, some of the prejudices and misconceptions that have been accumulated around New Athens for the last two centuries.

Even though the encyclopedia is not particularly innovative in the context of European learning at that time, one cannot simply regard it as an example of obscurantism. The book represents a typical scientific approach characteristic of the pre-Enlightenment period. Chmielowski himself was far from being a noncritical compiler; he was rather a creative author who pioneered in quite a few forms of contemporary journalism. It certainly cannot be denied that he had a great erudition and a talent for writing. The authors to whom he referred were not, as it was commonly believed, medieval authors, but they belonged to the scientific elite of the 16th and 17th centuries. The reverend has numerous merits such as: providing the first compilation of dates and events in the Polish history as well as presenting valuable information about libraries and academies of that time. One should also notice Chmielowski’s empirical approach in the process of proving numerous theories. The author’s original stile of writing also attracts the reader’s attention. Although numerous attempts have been made in order to rehabilitate the encyclopedia, it is still associated with negative judgements, also in the serious literature of the subject. Today the encyclopedia remains in the first place the symbol of ignorance of the Saxon times in Poland.

Czech society in East Galicia in the 19^th century was represented primarily by bureaucrats, but also by military officers and many other professions who settled there, such as entrepreneurs and craftsmen. Soon, however, the (often true) stereotype of the self-confident Czech bureaucrat was formed, above all in Polish society, a stereotype of the diligent Austrian citizen, for whom the national activities of Polish society were foreign and with whom it was not possible to discuss Slavic cooperation. The center of Czech national and cultural life was the group of bureaucrats and teachers who gathered in an informal circle, the chair of which was František Jáchym, in Lviv. For the 19^th century, we do not have exact information on the number of Czechs living in Galicia – the available statistics provide the numbers of predominant ethnicities, which is why we can base our estimates on the data on the languages used in 1900, when 9,014 Czech-speakers were registered. Together with the teachers, the bureaucratic class played a decisive role in the maintenance of Czech national and cultural traditions. Galicia was popularized most strikingly by Karel Vladislav Zap, the author of the book Trips and Walks through the Galician Land (Prague 1844), who worked as a bureaucrat there for nine years. Czech agricultural workers also made up a significant group. František Řehoř, who was known for his ethnographic research on the local Rusyn community, also came to Galicia as a part of the agricultural migration. The field in which many Czechs in Galicia gained recognition was music. Czechs were employed there as private music teachers, as members of municipal music groups and theater orchestras, as musicians in cafes and also as music teachers, conductors and members of theater philharmonics. The Česká beseda in Lviv, which had 300 members in 1914, became the center of cultural and social life of the Czechs in East Galicia beginning in 1867. 

This article presents a conceptual analysis of the promotion of Ukrainian national unity within the context of establishing modern Ukrainian national identity in the Eastern Galicia of the XIX century, spreading Ukrainophilism among the local Ruthenians through the prism of competing national and political aspirations. The author focuses on the relations among the Ukrainian public figures in Galicia and Naddniprianschyna, Ukraine-Poland relations in the region, the policy of Austro-Hungarian and Russian Empires regarding “the Ukrainian issue”. In terms of chronology, the article covers the period from the beginning of folk studies in Galicia, the activity of the ‘Ruthenian Triad’in the 1830s to the 1890s-early XXth century marked by dramatic changes in public consciousness and the crystallization of the concept of Ukraine’s political independence and national unity (i.e. “sobornist“). 

The article presents charitable activity of female religious congregations at the territory of Stanislav diocese. A careful study of archival documentation and historiographical materials allowed the author to establish that in the years 1896–1946 nuns founded a considerable number of orphanages, nursing homes for the elderly and people with disabilities. All the necessary care was provided by the nuns themselves.

There was scarce cooperation among Polish and British scholars in the interwar period due mainly to poor political relations between the two countries. Despite strong anti-Polish propaganda in the leading British daily newspapers, there was a group of people actively involved in the construction of the positive image of Poland in the British Isles. Among them one can find Roman Dyboski, English philologist from Cracow, and Monica Mary Gardner, writer on Poland and Polish literature from London. With the help of Polish Embassy in the UK they were striving in order to improve Polish-British relations by presenting the Anglo-Saxon readers with numerous studies on history of Polish literature and culture. Polish, British and American archival materials help the author depict the meanders of this academic friendship with its most essential fruits.

Stefan Pachnowski (1892–1943) was a lawyer, local government activist, president of Włocławek and in the years 1927–1935 an active member of the Association of Polish Cities (Związek Miast Polskich). Since 1927 he was among the representatives of the Management and the Executive Committee of the Association (Zarząd i Komisja Wykonawcza Związku) where he was involved in various initiatives.
One of the most essential fields of his work were questions related to newly introduced building regulations. He presided over a special commission of real estate assessors in the Association of Polish Cities; they were working on the elaboration of a model project of local construction and police regulations, which were released in 1930. He was a keen supporter of the revitalisation of building and housing activities in Polish towns. As president of Włocławek he oriented his efforts towards the construction of small condominiums for the working people. He used to present his views and ideas at the reunions of the Association of Polish Cities.
Since the very beginning of his membership in the Association, Pachnowski manifested avid interest in the improvement of the cities’ finances and, consequently, he became a member of the Financial Committee (Komisja Finansowa) within the Association. In the field of its interests there were among others: the revival of economic activity and the reduction of unemployment. In 1933 the institution of the Labour Fund (Fundusz Pracy) was established and the Association of Polish Cities was a strong supporter of its policies. Pachnowski himself encouraged the cooperation between the two bodies. In 1934, when his presidency of Włocławek was concluded, he engaged himself in the activity of the Labour Fund.
With utmost care Pachnowski examined the legislation of local governments in the Second Republic of Poland and participated in the elaboration of local government law on behalf of the Association of Polish Cities. The law was promulgated on 22nd March 1933 but was not enthusiastically received by the members of the Association. That event gave rise to animated discussions about local government legislation and Pachnowski’s voice was among the most prominent ones in that discourse.
The Association of Polish Cities delegated Pachnowski to the National Committee of Local Governments (Państwowa Rada Samorządowa). He also represented the Association within the Committee of Municipal Loan and Donation Fund (Komisja Komunalnego Funduszu Pożyczkowo-Zapomogowego). In 1931 he was appointed to the Electricity Committee (Komisja Elektryczna), and, towards the end of his activity, during the 13th convention in 1935, he joined the Verification Committee (Komisja Weryfikacyjna) which, on the basis of discussions and documentation provided by the Association office, elaborated proposals to be presented at the Association reunion.

The article depicts how the action of the crucifix removal (so called “decrucification”, Polish dekrucyfikacja) proceeded in Poland in 1958 in north-east counties of Cracow voivodeship. It is one of the least examined aspects of Polish national policy towards the Roman Catholic Church and its followers at the time of Polish People’s Republic (PRL). The goal of the action was to remove the crucifixes from school walls, where they were placed after Polish October 1956. In cities the procedure did not meet serious protests, whereas in small towns and villages it led to significant repercussions. Among the fundamental questions one can ask in this case there are: what was the cause of that phenomenon? What stood behind such a strong opposition against school authorities obedient to the Minister of Education whose ordinance obliged them to remove religious emblems? Why did children from small towns and villages participate in school strikes? Why did their parents stand up against the Prosecutor’s Office, local authorities and even the police? What logic was followed by the state authorities who issued the order of removing the religious symbol from schools? A careful analysis of the documentation gathered by the Central Archives of Modern Records (Archiwum Akt Nowych ) in Warsaw and by the branch offices of the Institute of National Remembrance (Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, IPN) certainly sheds some light on the above questions.

Review:

Kathleen Walker-Meikle, Medieval Pets, The Boydell Press, Woodbridge 2012, ss. 179

Review:

Ludvík Kuba, Čtení o Polabských Slovanech, eds. Petr Kaleta, Jiří Žůrek,  Společnost přátel Lužice, Praha 2010, ss. 144