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Tom 13

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2019 Następne

Data publikacji: 2019

Licencja: CC BY ikona licencji

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Zastępca redaktora naczelnego Orcid Jarosław Jarząbek

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Jacek Wojnicki

Wschodnioznawstwo, Tom 13, 2019, s. 1 - 1

Evolution of party systems of the Republic of Northern Macedonia

The article discusses the issue of the evolution of the party system of the Republic of Macedonia (from January 2019 – Northern Macedonia). Changes on the political scene were shown against the background of comparative studies with other post-Yugoslav republics and against the background of historical evolution after 1990. The main development tendencies of the party system and nodal premises of structural changes were pointed out.

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RECENZJE I OMÓWIENIA

Marcin Adamczyk

Wschodnioznawstwo, Tom 13, 2019, s. 1 - 1

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Gorge Iwanow

Wschodnioznawstwo, Tom 13, 2019, s. 13 - 22

Bridges of friendship and cooperation Macedonia – Poland

A lecture by President Gorge Ivanov points to the history of cultural and scientific relations between Poland and Macedonia. Attention was paid to the formation of the Macedonian language, the role of Polish Slavists and the key achievements of Blaže Koneski, who was awarded the doctor honoris causa of the University of Wrocław in 1973. The text is also devoted to the issue of shaping Macedonian identity.

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Veton Latifi

Wschodnioznawstwo, Tom 13, 2019, s. 35 - 44

The membership of the Republic of North Macedonia into the NATO is a strategic priority of the country and the wider region. NATO is a key factor for implementing stability and lasting peace in the region for a longer period. The paper reaffirms that the membership of the Republic of North Macedonia into the NATO is supported by the majority of the citizens of the country, and therefore there is „no-alternative approach” except Euro-Atlantic integration and friendly and cooperative relations for the country with its neighbors. NATO is the key factor for implementing stability and lasting peace in the region. But at the same time, integration of North Macedonia to NATO as its 30th member brings as well as several strategic priorities for the Alliance and it contributes in strengthening the South wing in dealing with the geo-political tensions imposed by the Eastern influences. The paper seeks as well as to explore what are the advantages and factors of quicker respond for NATO membership of Republic of North Macedonia?

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Marlena Pokrzywińska

Wschodnioznawstwo, Tom 13, 2019, s. 45 - 57

Political aspects of North Macedonia’s accession process to the North Atlantic Alliance
 
North Macedonia’s route to the North Atlantic Alliance was long and full of challenges. In the meantime, the former Yugoslav state had to concentrate its efforts on the political, economic and social transformation which was the result of the declaration of independence by North Macedonia the nineties of the twentieth century. The country began reorganizing the entire state system in the face of the collapse of Yugoslavia. The result of the „open door” policy of NATO and the reforms that the country introduced was the signing of the accession protocol by representatives of the member states and the Minister of Foreign Affairs of North Macedonia Nikola Dmitrov at the headquarter of the organization in Brussels on 6 II 2019. The purpose of this article is to analyze the accession process of North Macedonia to NATO, including the political aspects of its course and the importance of integration with the structures of the Alliance.
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Bartosz Dziewiałtowski-Gintowt

Wschodnioznawstwo, Tom 13, 2019, s. 59 - 75

North Macedonia towards the Three Seas Initiative – political, economic and military dimension
 
The Three-Seas Initiative (TSI) opened at the meeting of heads of Central European countries in Dubrovnik in 2016, brings together twelve members of the European Union: Austria, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia, Poland, Romania and Hungary. Northern Macedonia in 2018 expressed interest in participating in these projects. The state, established in 1991 as a result of the disintegration of the Yugoslav federation, was characterized by permanent instability as a result of armed ethnic conflict with the Albanian minority in 2001, the internal crisis of 2015-2017, and the Greek-Macedonian nomenclatural dispute. The stabilization of the situation in the state allowed the Skopje authorities to make progress in integration with the Euro-Atlantic area to the extent that in February 2019 the Macedonian authorities initialed the NATO accession protocol, and in 2020 they will most likely start negotiations with the European Union. In this context, the attitude of Northern Macedonia to the initiative constructed by those EU countries, which are geographically and partly culturally relatively close to it, was discussed. The striving to achieve synergy between the processes of integration with the EU and NATO resonates in all Macedonian state documents. It seems that the potential partnership with the TSI can be correlated with the integration of Northern Macedonia into the Euro-Atlantic security area. The possibility of Northern Macedonia’s participation in TSI priority projects was determined by energy and transport factors, thanks to which „the europeanization” of the Macedonian gas and road network and independence from LNG liquefied gas supplies from Russia will be possible. This will undoubtedly benefit the internal and external security of Northern Macedonia. An unfavorable factor may be a different approach to the topic among the Macedonian elites: the ruling politicians chose the path of evolutionary partner status, and the opposition decided on a radical move to achieve full membership of Northern Macedonia as soon as possible in the Trinitarian Initiative. An indirect solution seems to be the concentration of authorities in Skopje on internal reforms in order to meet the requirements for candidate countries for membership in the European Union and start accession negotiations as soon as possible. Because the road to the TSI seems to lead through Brussels.
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Diana Mazepa

Wschodnioznawstwo, Tom 13, 2019, s. 77 - 90

National Strategy for Cyber Security of the Republic of North Macedonia and Action Plan 2018-2022
 
Cybersecurity of states and international organizations is one of the most priority issues in the world at the time. The dynamically developing IT systems and the global reach of the Internet, reaching both individual users as well as public administrations and transnational corporations has not only significantly facilitated the storage, sharing or exchange of information, but also the place of criminal attacks and threats to sensitive data in network. Accordingly, national and non-national actors try to constantly monitor threats stem from cyber space, prevent them or mitigate their effects, so as not to jeopardize the security of them and their citizens or members. This situation also takes place in the Republic of North Macedonia, which in 2018, in cooperation with international partners and extensive public consultations in the country, announced the first National Cyber Security Strategy for 2018-2022. This article aims to analyze the content contained in the above document and the Action Plan attached to it and to approximate the objectives contained therein.
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Magdalena Błaszak

Wschodnioznawstwo, Tom 13, 2019, s. 91 - 100

A cultural picture of Macedonia on the example of the Macedonian teenagers
 
The subject of the article is the state of cultural expression in everyday communication of Macedonian youth. Language is the basis of every culture, and every culture influence language. The author of the text presents what kind of vocabulary is used by teenagers in Macedonia and notes whether the norm of modern Macedonian language is observed by them. It focuses mainly on colloquial vocabulary, internationalisms and abbreviations used by them in everyday statements, which contain both elements of literary language as well as colloquial language. It is deeply rooted in everyday communication.
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Olga Lazorkina

Wschodnioznawstwo, Tom 13, 2019, s. 103 - 117

Belarusian-Chinese relations: main vectors, current state and prospects for development
 
The article analyzes the Belarusian-Chinese relations at the present stage. The author presents a brief history of cooperation in the 1990’s. for understanding the evolution in relations between states. The contractual legal framework of cooperation are considered, special attention are paid to the format of strategic partnership. Despite the ambiguity of the terminology used by Chinа in drawing up agreements with a strategic nature, in regards to Belarus we can talk about a gradual increase in the level of cooperation.
In the main part of the article, key vectors of cooperation are highlighted, achievements and problems in the development of relations are indicated. As one of the important formats, to which China recently prioritizes over, cooperation between regions has been highlighted. In this area, Belarus has no the problem of lack of experience, but a necessity to transfer of powers to the regions.
In current times, Belarus and China have a number of well-defined achievements. Partners are interested in deepening relations, but the level of their goals is disproportionate. It is inevitable in the development of relations between states that have different economic potential and international standing. This is entirely obvious that Belarus will have to undertake a high-quality domestic reforms to be able to take advantage of the strategic partnership with such a giant as China. Today the legal base has reached its critical point, it is time to do something specific or step aside. No one will notice this gap in the Chain of China’s „Silk Road”.
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Tatiana Iwanow

Wschodnioznawstwo, Tom 13, 2019, s. 119 - 136

Belarus and new China’s Strategic Foreign Initiatives
 
This article aims to draw attention to the Chinese investments in Belarus and to evaluate the current process of shaping the Belarus-China relations in the system of inter-state relations (against the background of relations with Russia and the EU). The activity of Chinese investors in Belarus arouses a lot of controversial opinions among scientists from Poland and Belarus, despite 100% support of the Belarus authorities. The article is devoted to the issue of the legal and institutional foundations of the Belarus-China cooperation, which show the way of finding a new powerful „supporter” of Belarus in the world, cooperation with whom may result in economic and political benefits. It has become a kind of alternative to Russia cooperation that is achievable only under the condition of mutual acceptance. Article indicates the economic problems of Belarus and describes the attempts of the Belarus authorities to solve them, the question of the importance of Belarus-China cooperation on the Belarus political and economic development.
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Marcin Adamczyk

Wschodnioznawstwo, Tom 13, 2019, s. 137 - 155

Dragon in the Arctic – modern China and their first arctic White Paper
 
The main incentive for creation of this work was the issue by the People’s Republic of China, their first in the history arctic White Paper. The articulation of the Chinese strategy regarding the High North, has become the source of the main contribution, as it goes for the Beijing’s interests in that distant region. Author, basing on his previous researches, clarifies the role of the White Paper in the foreign and internal policy. He undertakes the circumlocution of the Arctic’s legal status and its economic potential, which for many reasons arouses hot emotions in the world and is to a large extent the mentioned attractiveness of the High North. Thereby, the present research has been carried out using the analysis and synthesis of secondary research material in the form of scientific studies and source texts. The research problems for which answers can be found in this work are questions about sources of Arctic interest on the part of contemporary China and the functions of the first Chinese Arctic white book. In their light, a research hypothesis was formulated that Chinese engagement behind the polar circle (as well as its emanation of the white book) is a testimony to Beijing’s growing global ambitions of worldwide power. The research showed that the reasons for the Chinese Arctic interest are mainly of a military and economic nature, while the Chinese Arctic white paper performs the following functions: it indicates China’s interest in this area and also tries to tone down the potential reaction of the international community that may result from this involvement. Moreover the white book has an important internal function in the form of awakening the national pride of the Chinese people.
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Tadeusz Lebioda

Wschodnioznawstwo, Tom 13, 2019, s. 159 - 183

Paradigm of perceiving the Russian politics in Germany since 2000
 
The aim of this article is to show evolution of how the Kremlin politics is perceived in Germany within two first decades of the XXI century. Moreover, the central idea of this article is to separate five key or even critical points of this period.
The paradigm has been described in perspective of perceiving the Russian politics by German public opinion. The public opinion is a set of opinions about important and actual affairs, especially concerning national politics, within a particular society. The public opinion about a particular matter is often identified with a prevailing opinion in mass media. Media information has become the main data source for analysis of the discussed matter.
The first stage was assigned in the year 2000 when Vladimir Putin won the presidential elections in Russia. His victory was not so indubitable at that time. Bilateral relations got strategic character then. The culminating point was the Russian president’s pronouncement in Bundestag in 2001.
When Angela Merkel succeeded chancellorship in 2005, the Russian politics started to be perceived critically. That was the beginning of the second stage of perceiving the Kremlin politics by Germany. Atmosphere of the bilateral relations got worse then. A clear sign of it was the Vladimir Putin pronouncement during the 43. Security Conference. In Germany the pronouncement was considered as the beginning of a new cold war in the Kremlin politics.
The third stage took place between 2008 and 2014. Until 2012 – when the next Russian presidential elections took place – Vladimir Putin had shared the power creating a kind of a leadership tandem with Dmitry Medvedev. This acting was considered as delusive in Germany. The turn in perceiving the Russian politics in Germany happened in 2014 when president Putin made use of the political crisis in Ukraine to annex Crimea. It was an acute change that closed the third and started the fourth stage of perceiving the Kremlin politics by Germany. It was characterized by intense crisis.
A final part of the fourth stage was the Vladimir Putin’s proclamation on the Federal Assembly on the 1 III 2018. It was a prelude to the fifth stage that lasts until today. It happened mainly due to its consequences for internal politics in the context of the presidential elections in Russia planned on the 18 III 2018. The elections as well as swearing in the fourth Angela Merkel cabinet on the 14 III 2018 were a clear border in perceiving the Russian politics in Germany. The bilateral relations were revived after it.
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Tomasz Landmann

Wschodnioznawstwo, Tom 13, 2019, s. 185 - 203

Polish-Latvian and Polish-Estonian relations in the years 1919-1921 in the context of the Soviet threat – selected assumptions
 
The aim of the article is identification of selected, important examples of the development of Polish-Latvian and Polish-Estonian relations in the context of the Soviet threat in 1919-1921.
The development of Polish-Latvian and Polish-Estonian relations was already in the years 1919-1921. It was tried to convince both Baltic states to rapprochement with the Second Polish Republic mainly in case of more effective preparation for the threat from 
It was shown that the years 1919-1921 was a period of aspirations of the Second Polish Republic to rapprochement with Latvia and Estonia as potential Baltic allies in the context of the growing threat from Soviet Russia. A particularly important aspect of Polish activities was the accession of the political and economic influence of the Second Polish Republic in the Baltic region and consideration of the possibility of creating a regional defense alliance in the form of the Union of Baltic States.
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Ihor Hurak

Wschodnioznawstwo, Tom 13, 2019, s. 205 - 226

The Russian Context of EU Policy towards Ukraine: Ukrainian Point of View on the Problem
 
In the article the attempt was made to analyze the changes that have happened in the EU policy towards Ukraine after the 2004 and 2007 EU enlargements, especially in a context of the Russia’s aggression in Georgia, establishment of Eastern Partnership, Russian occupation of Crimea and destabilization of the situation in Donbas. The main attention is devoted to the study of the current state of relations between Kyiv and Brussels, as well as the investigation of various types of EU institutions activity or inactivity, which causes slows down Ukraine’s European integration and it is generally harmful to the Ukrainian state.
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Michał Włodarczyk

Wschodnioznawstwo, Tom 13, 2019, s. 227 - 238

Post-nationalism as an alternative concept of global politics
 
Post-nationalism as a phenomenon and a system of organization of global politics is a one of the most utopian political and philosophical demands. The aim of this article is to bring forward the post-nationalism as this is rarely raised and even disregarded phenomenon in political science. The main focus is going to be put on its genesis, proposed forms and possibility of realization. The examples of post-nationalism are pointed in a history, political thought, and a popular culture in which it occurs surprisingly often as a science or political fiction. It may indicate the existence of a somewhat romantic dream of creators and philosophers which, while impossible to come true nowadays, finds its place in utopian cultural texts, often presented as something positive, the goal to aspire to.
There is also an explanation from the neorealist, liberal, constructivist standpoints along with the current state of international politics why post-nationalism can be presently taken as a utopia only. The paper ends with an attempt to explain the phenomenon of post-nationalism in the form of hypothesis of its inevitability in the right situation – when humanity will be forced to face hitherto unheard of challenges.
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Galyna Piskorska, Natalia Yakovenko

Wschodnioznawstwo, Tom 13, 2019, s. 239 - 254

The European Union and Russia represent different approaches to the balance between hard and soft power. The European Union is stronger in its soft power, but lacks hard power instruments. It is connected with the nature of the political entity as there is no EU army. Armies are in the competence of the EU member states. The key power source is the attractiveness of the European Union for the nations, acceptability of European norms and standards. The concept of „European values” includes a number of integral parts – observance of human civil and political rights and freedoms; ethno-religious tolerance; resolving conflicts by negotiations; maintenance of economic and political stability basing on social solidarity; safeguarding of security. These values are shared by all European states and have an impact on the global society.
Russia inherited the USSR military experience, diplomatic schools and schools of negotiations. But ideological work applied in the USSR quickly turned out to be outdated in the modern world. In recent years Russia has tried to adapt soft power concept to its foreign policy and to become more active in public diplomacy track. Nevertheless Russian „soft power” had no success in Ukraine because it failed to convince Ukrainians of the attractiveness of Russian culture, language, traditional values and economic prospects. Moreover, Russia strongly used the confessional-ecclesiastical factor in its own policy towards the Ukrainian people.
Soon it became clear that interests of Russia and the West in Ukraine are absolutely different.
Russia is more experienced using its hard power both in military and economic fields. Russian and European hard forces in the territories of Eastern Europe are not balanced. Russia’s actions present a serious challenge to basic principles of contemporary European and world order.
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Aleksandra Puzyniak

Wschodnioznawstwo, Tom 13, 2019, s. 255 - 269

Hungary’s policy towards the Hungarian minority after 2010
 
The Fidesz (Fiatal Demokraták Szövetsége) – Christian Democratic People’s Party (Kereszténydemokrata Néppárt – KDNP) coalition, being continually in power in Hungary since April 2010, has carried out many changes both in the country’s internal and foreign policies. The overall reform has included the policy toward Hungarians living abroad and one of the major goals of Viktor Orbán’s cabinet has become the restoration of mutual trust, maintaining strong ties as well as the securing of interests of the Hungarian diaspora. In order to accomplish this, the ruling authorities set up new institutions responsible for creating activities and maintaining cooperation with fellow – Hungarians living outside of their homeland.
The purpose of this article is to analysis the Fidesz – KDNP cabinet’s policy toward the Hungarian minority in the years 2010–2018, as well as describe the influence of that policy on Budapest’s relationship with neighbouring countries. Moreover, the article also lists activities which were undertaken in this field by former cabinets in the years 1990–2010.
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Marcin Koczan

Wschodnioznawstwo, Tom 13, 2019, s. 271 - 283

Ukraine’s gas relations with Russia – an attempt to change the model
 
The article describes the evolution of the gas relations model between Russia and Ukraine, which is important for the European gas market. For almost the entire period after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia kept a dominant position in gas relations with Ukraine. The authorities in Kiev periodically attempted to reduce Moscow’s dominance, but they manifested political declarations rather than real action. In recent years Ukraine has strengthened position in bilateral relations, mainly due to three elements: internal reforms, strengthening of Ukraine’s energy independence as well as the determination of the Kiev authorities to assert their rights in international arbitration. Although significant were the processes taking place in the international environment regardless of the Ukrainian authorities.
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RECENZJE I OMÓWIENIA

Zdzisław J. Winnicki

Wschodnioznawstwo, Tom 13, 2019, s. 287 - 294

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Mateusz Roszak

Wschodnioznawstwo, Tom 13, 2019, s. 295 - 300

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Wschodnioznawstwo, Tom 13, 2019, s. 305 - 311

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Słowa kluczowe: Republic of Northern Macedonia, democratization, transformation, political pluralism, political parties, Bilateral cultural and scientific relations, Macedonia, Poland, NATO, North Macedonia, South wing, transatlantic approach, Balkans, North Macedonia, NATO, the Balkan Peninsula, Albania, Greece, Russia, The Three Seas Initiative, The Republic of North Macedonia, NATO, European Union, cybersecurity, The Republic of North Macedonia, cyberspace, national cybersecurity strategy, colloquial vocabulary, internationalisms, language, Republic of Belarus, China, bilateral relations, political dialog, economic cooperation, regional trade, Industrial Park „Great Stone”, Belarus, China, Belarus-China relations, Russia, EU, foreign investments, Belt and Road initiative, China, the Arctic, white paper, worsening bilateral relations, Crimea annexation, crisis, presidential elections, political recovery, paradigm, Russian politics, perceiving in Germany, public opinion, media coverage, stages of perceiving, speech in Bundestag, safety, Baltic Sea, Baltic policy, Second Republic of Poland, EU’s policy, Ukraine, Russian aggression, Eastern Partnership, cooperation, post-nationalism, national identity, pan-Europeanism, popular culture, universalism, hard power, soft power, the EU, European integration, Russia, methods of influence, Hungary, Hungarian minority, ethnic policy, Viktor Orbán, Fidesz – KDNP alliance, natural gas supplies, gas relation between Russia and Ukraine, natural gas pipelines