Participation of Ukraine in Integration Projects on the Post-Soviet Space: Precondition and Impact of the Escalation of the Russian-Ukrainian Confliict

Transformations in the Ukrainian National Security System after the Revolution of Dignity. Selected Aspects

Political context of anti-corruption reform in Ukraine

This article covers key political factors concering the ongoing process of anticorruption reform in Ukraine. It describes the importance and need of such reform and adresses implemented bills, new institutions introduced with them, conducted tasks and overall perspective of state of reform as in July 2018. The main thesis underlined in article is the crucial role of political will among the Ukrainian policy-makers in implementing legislative mechanisms to effectively combat the issue of corruption in Ukraine.

The impact of the Russian annexation of Crimea on the situation of churches operating on the territory of Crimea

Anti-Terrorist Operation as a response to the threat to security in eastern Ukraine

The role and means of influence of paramilitary organizations on the political and social life of Georgia in 1990-1995

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the independence of Republic of Georgia faced many social, political and economic problems, one of which was the activity of paramilitary organizations and criminal groups at that time. Two of them, the Mchedrioni and the National Guard, have access to weapons, committing crimes against civilians and controlling the resources of the country and smuggling and trafficking, controlling almost every sphere of state and citizenship. Their leaders were the political elite of Georgia, which resulted in the fact that Mchedrioni and Guards’ work was completely impunity, not to say legalized in the state. The following paper outlines the way in which the paramilitary groups operated in Georgia at the beginning of the 1990s, the political influence and activity of the paramilitary groups operating in Georgia, have led the country to function on the edge of poverty, anarchy and violence.

Cybersecurity in the Russian Federation. Outline of the problem

Problems of labour migration in Central Asia in economic and social aspect

National-organizational activity of the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine in POW camp for Russian army in Rastatt, Germany (1915-1918)

This article analyzes the main directions of the organizational activity held by the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine (ULU) in the camp for prisoners of war from Russian army in Rastatt, Germany since May 1915 until 1917. Representatives of ULU in Rastatt founded schools of literacy and various educational courses, opened camp library and people’s theater, and equipped the church. Besides, the camp saw the creation of several Ukrainian circles and organizations whose members actively participated in the development of national life in Rastatt. Organization and management of the entire cultural and educational work in the camp was handled by the Department of Education of ULU. Members of this department were both civilians and captured Ukrainian officers whose assignment to Rastatt was agreed by the German military authorities. Á e Department of Education saw high personnel turnover as some of its members were assigned to other camps, while being replaced by new employees. During the first stages of the camp’s Ukrainization, the popularity of Russian chauvinist ideas among many Ukrainian POWs made it much more difficult to engage in the promotion of national and patriotic ideas, as well as in cultural and educational work. A lot of POWs were afraid of cruel repressions of the Russian government and the emperor for their participation in Ukrainian work. However, eventually the majority of POWs managed to get rid of these fears and created community „Independent Ukraine” whose leadership grew to lead all directions of Ukrainians’ life and activity in the camp. Due to the activity of the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine, the camp prepared numerous nationally conscious Ukrainians who actively participated in diÄ erent military groups which fought against Russian Bolshevism in 1918-1920.

Cossack formations in the service of the Third Reich

After the attack of the Third Reich’s army on the Soviet Union, many Cossacks in exile declared their willingness to fight in the German formations against the hated enemy. Also, a significant part of the Cossack population in the Don, Kuban or Terek territories occupied by the Germans enthusiastically welcomed the entering Wehrmacht troops. Shortly afterwards, the Cossacks were permitted to create their local government there, and also received guarantees of cultural, educational and religious freedom. The formation of Cossack troops used by the Germans for reconnaissance and 'fighting the Soviet partisans also commenced. These soldiers were to be treated equally with German soldiers. After a series of German defeats on the Eastern Front in 1943 and after the Red Army had taken the initiative on the Eastern Front, the Cossack formations together with the accompanying civilian population created the so-called Cossack

Prometheism as a political and ideological assumption in correspondence of Polish Prometheus Group in London in the first years after the Second World War

Examining local memory in the context of the state policy of remembrance in Poland. Deportations into the heart of Russia to Siberia in unofficial memory

Ta’ziyeh performance – a space for memory in the Iranian culture

Violence and Power – the Question about Security in the Conditions of Communicative Oppression. Mythology of Repeated Communism

The reality of the end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century, which on the one hand has eradicated the notion of violence from the ideational sphere, the sphere of constructing social-political entities, on the other hand, by eradicating violence as a tool of building new social orders, has kept and appropriated its modus, or the ways of organizing of the world, its time and space, associated with the conditions of violence. In the modern and postmodern world, violence turns out to be, not seldom, the basis of sanctioning and reinforcing the mechanisms of power. Symbolic violence – as Bourdieu wanted – the tool of influence by the dominant classes, or the violence resulting from communicative oppression – legitimization of common agreement, consensus, which, transformed into an idea – the basis of the construction of the modern world, are becoming a form of oppression, a form of imposing the only one, worked out as (seemingly) common, vision of this what is and can be a question of a conflict. The sources of such understood visions should be looked for, according to Jean-Luck Nancy, in a particular desire of man, desire, which, when started to be embodied, acquired total forms, and, finally, totalitarian ones: in the desire of transformation of the society into a “masterpiece”. The thing, which was supposed to be cemented by the realized desire (society as a masterpiece), was community, communion [communio], and, finally (as the embodiment of the postulated unity in its total form) communism.

Natives or strangers? The image of Poles evacuated from Donbas in 2015 in the perception of the contemporary Polish society on the example of social media

Migration policy in programmes of Polish political parties after 1989

Backlash? – the state and challenges of anti-discrimination education in Poland with particular regard to ethnic otherness

Japanese Studies on the history of the Central-Eastern Europe with some remarks for contemporary history of Poland

„Famous Inhabitants of the Minsk Region in the XIXth and XXth centuries” – the History of the Eminent People of the Land of Minsk in the Works of 10 Scientific Conferences (2004-2016)