In Judeo-Christian theology, as in Hellenistic Christianity, the cross of Jesus was a fundamental problem. Until the time of Constantine in the Imperial community it was a sign of disgrace. For Christians the cross was a sign of salvation. The theological problem was caused by the inclusion of the cross as a positive symbol in a general and religious sense. In Judeo-Christian theology a method of typology was used which was known also in Jewish exegesis. The cross as a symbol of salvation was predicted among others by ”Jacob’s ladder” (cf. Genesis 28,12). Christians understood it as a cosmic cross on which Logos (the Son of God) had descended to earth, and as a path to salvation for people ascending to heaven. From ”Jacob’s ladder” only certain details were chosen for the
exegesis: ”the wood of the ladder/cross”, the motif of descent and ascent. In this way the typology of the ”ladder of the cross” allowed the meaning of the cross as a symbol of the shame of Jesu’s death sentence to win out

The whole of the sixth chapter of the Gospel According to John is permeated by the motif of food. This is dominated especially by discourse on bread (John 6,25–58/59). Scholars generally opt for a Christological or Eucharistic interpretation of this discourse. A new light is thrown on this in a way eternal dilemma by this article, with an interpretation using a formula of initiation.

According to this interpretation bread is interpreted in the whole of the sixth chapter in a way conditioned by the gradual exposition of the titles of Jesus. Jesus as a teacher gives the bread of learning, as a prophet miraculously multiplies the „bread of symbols” (loaves of bread and fish), as the Messiah he is the true bread, as the Son of God he gives his body and blood as food. The Eucharist, then, is shown as the last type of bread. It is given to the inductees to eat at the end of the process of initiation in the Person of Jesus.
In terms of the specifics of the discourse on bread itself, John maintains it essentially on a messianic level, anticipating this way and that, as it were, the stage of initiation of the Son, and then returning to the pre-messianic stage. In the middle of the reference to the anticipation and retrospection we find Jesus as the Messiah, who is the food of the Christian (the catechumen)

In the writings of Justin Martyr and Irenaeus we encounter the conviction that the Hebrew and Aramaic term satan is translated into Greek as apostates. From the point of view of the meanings of this word in the compass of first languages this is an incorrect assumption. This text develops the hypothesis of the explanation of this issue which I gave in the article „The problem of the relations between Satan and the apostasy in the work of Irenaeus” (Studia Religiologica 39/2006), based on additional source texts. In my opinion the semantic identity of the terms satan and apostates is rooted in the Jewish mythology of the angel rebellion, based on the demonological interpretation of the 14th chapter of the Book of Isaiah, which received its written form in apocryphal texts, especially Vita Adae et Evae and the 2 Enoch 29,2–5; 31,3–6. They present Satan and his deeds in a way which permitted him to be described in Greek as an apostate, which in turn was the start of this epithet being identified with the name of the fallen angel.

The aim of this article is to present a review of the late antique sources showing that Didymus the Blind was a master of the Christian Alexandrian school and to examine them in the context of research on the phenomenon of this school. The author analyses three basic sources with information on the place and role of Didymus in the Alexandrian didaskaleion, i.e. Historia Ecclesiastica by Rufinus of Aquileia (XI 7), Historia Ecclesiastica by Sozomen (III 15), and Christianike Historia by Philip of Side.
The author polemicises with the interpretation of the key source of Rufinus of Aquileia proposed by R. Layton, with which she contrasts her own interpretation founded on the research current of the socalled Alexandrian school. Referring to the history of research on the Alexandrian didaskaleion, the author considers whether and to what extent the designation of Didymus as scholae ecclesiasticae doctor (contained in the writings of Rufinus of Aquileia) might refer to the fact that Didymus operated his own, comparatively independent exegetical school, which as a result of the character of Didymus’ ideas could only be perceived as a continuation of the Alexandrian school led earlier by Clement and Origen.

This article raises the issue of the religious doctrine which developed at the end of the 12th and beginning of the 13th centuries in one of the Italian Cathar Churches in Concorezzo, near Milan. This original doctrinal conception, concerning the question of the origin of evil, constituted a combination of moderate with radical dualism; it assumed that, other than the good principle – of God the creator – there is also an evil principle – an eternal four-faced spirit which does not have the power to create and is therefore not a god. A radical dualism of two principles not previously encountered therefore results, which attempts to remain moderate by force through retaining the idea of one God. Although this doctrine has been known to scholars since the 1940s, nobody has previously conducted a careful analysis of it. This article therefore attempts to explain the origin of this conception in the light of the events of the early history of Italian Catharism, separating the inspirations of the former dualistic doctrines from the original input of the Italian perfecti, to understand the motives of its creation and also to establish its place among the forms of dualism which we know.
 

The aim of this article was to show the medieval indulgences granted to churches, guilds and the hospital functioning in the town of Wieliczka. To this end all the indulgences granted in the area of Małopolska (Lesser Poland) starting from the 13th century and until 1525 were charted. A comparative analysis of the entire source material collated revealed that Wieliczka was one of the few places on the map of medieval Małopolska which figured highest in terms of numbers of indulgences granted.
The first indulgences given to Wieliczka date back to the 14th century. Among 92 granted for the whole of Małopolska, Wieliczka received some seven. In comparison Krakow received 34 at this time, Kazimierz 10, but the Cistercian Monastery in Mogiła, at the time a rapidly developing religious centre, only gained four. In the next century the processes begun in the 14th century intensified. For the whole of Małopolska at this time 327 indulgence documents were issued to 78 centres, of which 13 or 14 concerned Wieliczka. The fact that some of these mentions do not have a date of issue and can be ascribed to ordinaries of the diocese living in both the 14th and the 15th centuries means that it is difficult to state this number equivocally. It is important to emphasise particularly that the largest number of indulgences granted to the congregation residing in Wieliczka concerned the fraternity which functioned there. The first indulgence document for Wieliczka was also the fi rst document to award with an indulgence the faithful participating in brothers’ masses and supporting the fraternity financially. The Wieliczka fraternity received five indulgences in a space of just 23 years, which is testimony to their rich development as well as the fact that its members were making concerted efforts to receive further indulgences. The inhabitants of Wieliczka were able to gain the graces of an indulgence not only by participating in the brothers’ masses but also by supporting the paupers staying in the hospital which had been founded in the 14th century by King Casimir III the Great.

This article, constituting a contribution to the history of dogmatic theology and religious polemic in the Polish Republic of the 16th century, is devoted to the dispute of the Jesuit priest Jacob Wujek and the Calvinist minister Gregory of Żarnowiec. Subjected to analysis were the texts of sermons from Marian feast days found in the authors’ postillas as well as their polemical works praising or defending theses stated earlier. Mariology, as one of the subjects of religious polemic, was examined in terms of both dogmatic theology and religious practices.
In the dispute in question Wujek attacked the Protestant articles of faith announced by Mikołaj Rej and taught Catholic learning on Mary. Gregory of Żarnowiec responded in defence of the views of Rej and his postillas, sharply opposing the interpretation of Catholic theologists of certain passages from the Bible referring to the Mother of Christ. In their dispute, mostly based on the Bible, the adversaries availed themselves of quotations from the works of Doctors and Fathers of the Church, as well as other sources. The patristic argument, however, was subordinate in relation to the biblical one, although in the field of Mariology it appeared often, especially in Wujek’s work.
The polemic took in the whole of the Mariological teaching of the Church. The Calvinist minister questioned the legitimacy of the majority of the titles granted to Mary as well as the celebration of certain feasts, such as the Nativity, Sacrifice and Assumption of Mary. He also condemned Catholic religious customs and practices. His radical view and the Christology in his sermons on Marian feast days contradict the theses of some historians and theologists on the submissive tolerance of Polish Protestants concerning the Marian cult in the 16th century.

This article is devoted to ways of exploring the mythical strains in Dante’s Divine Comedy. Previous research has managed to extrapolate the classical myths and their medieval variants from Dante’s work. However, the theory of myth developed by Hans Blumenberg opens a broader perspective for interpretation, revealing not only the myths’ anthropological and historical background, but also demonstrating the way they function within a literary work. The „world image” presented in the Divine Comedy can be explored in three stages of interpretation. At the most basic level, the article refers to the „catalogue” of classical and Christian myths contained in Dante’s poem. Further analysis of mythical subject-matter allows us to distinguish periodical variants of myths from Antiquity to our time. Finally, „the working of the myth” is considered at the most general level, with the help of „bsolute metaphors”, epitomizing the key images dominating the worldview at every historical period. Being devoted to the central myth of Christianity, Dante believed to have connected „earth and heaven” with the bridge of his art. The new approach to the subject of myth in Dante’s poem, using anthropologically-based concepts, allows us to better understand the construction and functions of Dante’s poetic „journey” in European culture.

Bishop Stanisław Adamski was one of the most important activists and social thinkers of the Polish Catholic Church of the first half of the 20th century. He devoted the majority of his activity to organizing a cooperative movement and to propagating this kind of solution on Polish soil. For years he fulfilled the function of member of the board, and then chairman of the Union of Earnings and Economic Cooperatives, which was the headquarters of all Polish cooperatives in the Prussian partition. After Poland gained independence he saw in the cooperative movement an excellent way of creating a strong middle class in Poland, the third estate the lack of which had apparently had such an effect on the earlier fortunes of the country. In his work he also emphasised strongly the moral basis and psychological effects of this movement, stressing that it would be favourable to the development of various desired characteristics, attitudes and behaviours, and therefore fulfil an educational role.

The assumption of power by the Nazis in Germany initiated a series of changes which radically changed the situation of the Christian Churches. A role of no small importance in this process was played by the structures and contents that were the result of the Protestant development of the German Christians movement. This theology, pointed towards Nazism, contributed significantly to the reception of völkisch thought, which was gradually and effectively to replace the basic doctrinal elements of the Evangelical Churches with a new message whose meaning was adjusted to the state ruled by Hitler and his supporters. This text constitutes an attempt to present the realisation of the theological contents of the Deutsche Christen movement with reference to sacred architecture and the Bible.

Text is devoted to Sister Katarzyna (Zofia) Steinberg (1898–1977), a nun of the Congregation of Franciscan Sisters of the Servants of the Cross in Laski, a doctor and eminent social activist of Jewish origin. Before her conversion she was known in Warsaw as a member of the Polish Socialist Party, and then as one of the participants in the most creative Catholic circle of the inter-war period – a group of intellectual concentrated around the eminent theologist and priest, Father Władysław Korniłowicz, and Mother Elżbieta (Róża) Czacka – the founder of the Society for Care of the Blind as well as the Congregation of Franciscan Sisters of the Servants of the Cross. Although Sister Katarzyna did not leave any theological texts behind, the scope of her social activity is the best mark left by the environment from which she came, as well as evidence of the complicated relations between the Catholic Church and the Communist authorities in the People’s Republic of Poland

An effect of the revision of the secularisation thesis is an array of conceptions attempting to capture the essence of the modern transformations of religions and the shape of non-traditional forms of religiosity. The concept of „(new) spirituality”, which is supposed to signal a new religious megatrend, today aspires to the role of „universal key” to contemporary analysis of religion. The aim of this article is to attempt to clarify the meaning of this term by reconstructing the origins of spirituality – the phenomenon itself as well as the term used to describe it. The concepts used to describe this subject are ordered in the sequence religion – religiosity – spirituality, which also corresponds to the direction of religious transformations in the West. The course of these changes is presented in a three-phase model of the origins of new spirituality based on the metaphor of change of the concentration of religious material: from the solid body, via fluid form to a gaseous state. This model is diachronic in character, but is also a reflection of synchronic order (the spectrum whose poles correspond to traditional religion and new spirituality).

Starting from the judgement of Parmenides that there is existence but non-existence is not, the author discusses the issues of existence in Parmenides. This subject is examined not only as an ontological problem (what is existence per se), but also as an epistemological problem. Using Parmenides’ thesis of the cognisability of „non-existence”, the author considers the problem of the legitimacy of the concept of „non-existence” (how is it possible to perceive something which is not there), making use of the conception of modi existentiae (real existence, intentional existence). The problem of the complexity and simplicity of existence is also considered. Alongside the perception of existence as that which is absolutely simple, he also considers as possible the equally gentle, emergent and organicistic interpretation of the conception of existence according to Parmenides. At the same time, the contemplations in the article aim to show in what way the problem of existence as formulated by Parmenides has for centuries inspired philosophy and continues to do so.

W historii etyki polskiej pojawiło się kilka interesujących poglądów. Jednymi z najcenniejszych były koncepcje etyczne Witolda Rubczyńskiego (1864–1938), który głosił trzy oryginalne tezy: energetyzm duchowy (energizm etyczny), melioryzm oraz waloryzację małych bohaterów. Szczególnie cennym tematem był melioryzm. Rubczyński wypracował jego podłoże filozoficzne, psychologiczne i cywilizacyjne oraz zwrócił uwagę na podmiotowe czynniki postępu kultury. Głównym dziełem etycznym Rubczyńskiego na temat melioryzmu był Zarys etyki (1916).

Świadomość biegu czasu taka, by stała się dla kogoś historią, nie jest czymś powszechnym. W pierwotnych i tradycyjnych społecznościach czas stanowił wymiar organicznego, uduchowionego kosmosu i nie oddzielał się od świata zdarzeń uformowanych w abstrakcyjne następstwo chwil, układających się w linię biegnącą od nieskończenie oddalonego początku w stronę nieskończenie dalekiej przyszłości. Był postrzegany raczej jako forma rosnącego „drzewa” świata, którą bardzo trudno oddzielić od jej zawartości. W tym kontekście pytanie o tożsamość człowieka to pytanie o jego miejsce w świecie, bowiem to ono stanowi szczególny wymiar podmiotowości. Organiczność wszechświata w pierwotnym światopoglądzie to także jego dynamika, a jej dwoma wy znacznikami (idąc za antropolingwistami) jest to, co możliwe, i to, co zrealizowane. Swoją względną stałość taki świat uzyskuje w perspektywie niezmiennych praw magii, jakie nim rządzą. Być może ta właśnie stałość magicznych praw pozwalała na ukonstytuowanie się światopoglądu zdolnego do dalszej, już religijnej ewolucji.

WYKŁAD

Profesorowi Janowi Drabinie