While there has been a lot of research on the differences between restrictive and appositive relative clauses as well as on different types of restrictive relatives, distinctions within the class of appositive relatives have not been studied to the same extent till relatively recently (see, for example, Cinque (2008), Citko (2008b), Del Gobbo (2003, 2007, 2010)). My main goal in this paper is to add to this growing body of research on appositive relatives, by first reviewing the distinctions that have been pointed out to exist within this class, focusing on the distinction between what Cinque (2008) refers to as integrated and non-integrated appositives, and, second, by applying Cinque’s diagnostics to Polish, to show that Polish appositives are non-integrated. I then examine the structures Cinque assigns to the two types, pointing out some problems with assimilating non-integrated appositive relatives either to coordinate structures or to parentheticals in general. Drawing on recent views of labeling in syntax (Hornstein 2009 and Citko 2008c), I conclude by offering an alternative structure for non-integrated appositives relatives, on which the appositive CP starts out as a unlabeled DP adjunct, which forces it to move and adjoin to the root clause, thus deriving the main insight behind the so-called Main Clause Hypothesis for appositive relatives.

This article argues against the single-phoneme approach discussed in Padgett (2001, 2003, 2010), which does not recognize the phonemic status of the vowel [ɨ]. The relevant data are drawn from the processes of Polish palatalization in the class of velars, while the presented analyses are couched in the theory of Lexical Phonology. It is argued that the lack of [ɨ] enforces the use of diacritics and leads to the proliferation of rules that are necessary to accommodate diacritically-specified contexts of palatalization. It is also shown that the singlephoneme approach leads to the morphologization of processes that are typically phonological. On the other hand, assuming the existence of underlying [ɨ] allows for a transparent and uniform account of palatalization effects.

Remnant movement, once believed not to be a part of grammar at all, has since become a tool of analyzing phenomena like verb fronting, word order alternations, or covert movement. What has been largely missing from the discussion of remnant movement are the effects a remnant constituent has on the nodes in the clause it has crossed. This paper argues that remnant movement has particular consequences for clausal syntax since it gives rise to crossing and nesting movement dependencies. This point is illustrated on the example of certain robust asymmetries in the Polish OVS syntax. The analysis of Polish OVS sentences has a broader benefit, namely that the proper identification of crossing and nesting paths provides convergent evidence for the existence of remnant movement in the first place.