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Vol. 9, Issue 3

Volume 9 (2014) Next

Publication date: 01.01.1970

Licence: None

Editorial team

Editor-in-Chief Ewa Willim

Assistant to the Editor-in-Chief Orcid Mateusz Urban

Issue content

Heidi Klockmann

Studies in Polish Linguistics, Vol. 9, Issue 3, Volume 9 (2014), pp. 111 - 136

https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920SPL.14.006.2847
Polish numerals and negation participate in case alternations, a phenomenon in which their ability to trigger genitive case assignment is determined by the case environment of the nominal. In particular, oblique case contexts appear to block the genitive of numerals and negation. This phenomenon is often contextualized within the structural-inherent case distinction (Chomsky 1981, 1986; Babby 1987), with the case type (structural, inherent) playing a primary role in determining case realization; a common assumption is that only a single case is assigned per nominal. This paper proposes an alternative analysis, which takes case stacking to be freely available in the syntax. A post-syntactic algorithm then determines the final choice of overt case in contexts of case competitions. This paper further shows that certain cases appear to have a lexical requirement, leading to case percolation in the context of numerals, which are argued to be semi-lexical. Together, these assumptions accurately model the case alternations of numerals and negation, and furthermore, tell us something about the nature of case. 
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Justyna Kosecka

Studies in Polish Linguistics, Vol. 9, Issue 3, Volume 9 (2014), pp. 137 - 161

https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920SPL.14.007.2848

This article analyzes the processes affecting coronal consonants in Kashubian within the framework of Lexical Phonology. Kashubian has a process of Coronal Palatalization, affecting especially underlying //t d s z//. Soft /ts’ dz’ s’ z’/ are the outputs of the process. Since there are no soft, that is palatalized, [ts’ dz’ s’ z’] in the surface inventory of the analyzed language, the process is argued to be accompanied by context-free Hardening. Furthermore, the proposed analysis of //s z// shows that there is a Duke-of-York gambit in Kashubian, namely, a change of hard //s// to a soft /s’/, and then back to hard [s]. Moreover, the analysis of Kashubian adjectives and the lack of //t d// palatalization, despite the apparent presence of the context and the derived environment, show that there are at least two derivational levels in Kashubian. Coronal Palatalization is a Level 1 rule. Velar Softening applies at Level 2. 

At Level 1, formation of nouns takes place. Derivational morphemes are added to adjectives at Level 1, whereas inflectional adjectival markers are restricted to Level 2. The proposed analysis also demonstrates that the adjectivizing marker //-i// added cyclically to nouns does not surface due to Vowel Deletion.

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Ksenia Zanon

Studies in Polish Linguistics, Vol. 9, Issue 3, Volume 9 (2014), pp. 163 - 201

https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920SPL.14.008.2849

In this paper I provide evidence that the element traditionally analyzed as T0 in Turkish is, in fact, a realization of a Mood-head, which is the locus of epistemic modality/conditional. This treatment captures a set of facts surrounding the phenomenon of Suspended Affixation (SA) as well as possible combinations of affix stacking in Turkish, while maintaining the Tense-Mood-Aspect hierarchy. In addition, the analysis advanced in this paper derives the behavior of Q-particles, verbal interactions with the “sentential” negation head, restrictions on embedding, and the optionality of agreement Spellout. Theoretically, the paper contributes to the debate on the inventory of functional projections in languages: it contends that TP is not universally present and considers some broader typological implications of this claim.

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