Contemporary Bosnian normative accentuation shares common features with Croatian, Montenegrin, Serbian and Serbo-Croatian standard, and therefore in order to determine precisely which elements of the orthoepic norm are Bosnian, it should be considered above all in its own context. However, due to discrepancies, instabilities, and root variation, the task of establishing the principles of an efficient orthoepic norm remains a difficult one, unless such a solution were to tolerate a wide variety of accentual variants. This paper studies accentual doublets of verbs in the Bosnian standard. To this end, it is particularly important to assume a contrastive-comparative perspective, by evaluating varying usage in the standard languages with a Neo-Štokavian base.

In this short contribution I suggest that Polish personal pronouns have two available representations: first and second person pronouns are PersPs, whereas third person pronouns are either PersPs or NumPs. This structural difference is responsible for the availability of not only definite, but also indefinite (including unspecific) readings of personal pronouns in Polish, regardless of their morphological complexity (i.e., both full and reduced forms can have different types of interpretations). This follows on the assumption that NumPs can be interpreted as property anaphora.

Polish perfective psych verbs are generally analyzed as inceptive predicates denoting the beginning of an emotional state holding of an experiencer. However, a perfective psych verb can also denote an event of gradual scalar change. In this paper, I argue that on the inceptive reading a perfective psych predicate denotes a transition from a state in which

p does not hold to a state in which p holds of an experiencer. In events of gradual change, there is an increase in the degree on the scale of intensity of a given psych state or on the (abstract) extent scale contributed by a verb’s argument. As the internal temporal structure of the events denoted by perfective psych predicates can depend on elements of syntactic context outside the verb, the domain of aspectual composition in Polish is not the verb, pace Rothstein (2020), but VoiceP/vP.