The history of Silesia and Silesians, is an example of “minority histor”, „subaltern past” that in post-war Poland was subjugated to the official vision of the national past, doomed to marginalization and “oblivion”. Experiences of Silesians disappeared not only from homogenizing stories of Polish historiography, but also often from family transfers. The alteration was brought about by political changes of 1989, which began a period of democratization of memory and „recovering the past” by hitherto marginalized minorities, within the framework of the fight waged by them for the inclusion and representation. The abolition of censorship resulted in the disclosure in the public sphere the memory of the repressed and unspoken beforehand events.

The article presents the processes of “recovering the past” undertaken by Silesians aiming to the ethnic emancipation. It is based on empirical research conducted among the Silesian leaders. My researches deal with issues related to the inter-generational transmission concerning events linked to the Second World War and the Upper Silesian Tragedy causes and consequences of discontinuities of transfer associated with discrimination of Silesian historical memory of the community and relationship between communicative memory and cultural memory.

 

The author presents the results of sociological research concerning the German minority in Gdańsk Pomerania (former province of West Prussia and the Free City of Gdańsk). This article aims to analyze this part of the study, which refers to the German image (stereotype) in the minds of the leaders of the German minority. German image is presented in the socio-historical context, taking into account factors such as intergroup relations, group and individual experiences of respondents, intergenerational communication, etc.
 

The recent controversial decision of the Parliament of Catalonia to prohibit bullfighting in Barcelona and increasingly frequent pro animal rights demonstrations have caused the reaction of fans and professional bullfighters in Spain. In an unprecedented mobilization, this group is developing strategies for recovery of bullfighting designed to preserve what he considers an art form, a cultural and ecological heritage and to a driver of the national economy.

Fostering a Popular Legislative Initiative pro taurine has been the trigger for a series of measures that have managed to give some legal protection for Fiesta. One is the approval of the Law for the regulation of bullfighting Cultural Heritage (adopted by the Committee on Culture of the Congress of Deputies on October 2, 2013 and subsequently ratified by the Senate) and another commissioning – by the Ministry of Education, Culture and Sport of the Government of Spain – a national strategic plan for the promotion and protection. This work aims to highlight strategies for recovery of the bullfighting, currently being developed in Spain in order to reflect on the nature of this tradition.

Scepusium (Spisz) through the ages was inhabited by ethnically diverse population, it had belonged to both Polish and Hungarian states (1412–1772)  and after the First World War was divided between Poland and Czechoslovakia. Works of the local art – as being created by founders and artists of various ethnic or religious background – were subject of research, conducted by scholars from neighbouring countries, whose studies were spread by popular literature.

Old Scepusian art was widely discussed in Polish publications especially in the Interwar period, when the state affiliation of this region was uncertain and such political background was deeply influencing the picture of the cultural heritage. In their texts authors often wrongly identified medieval and early modern Scepusian population with its present ethnic situation, trying to express the (in some cases invented) Polish identity of local art – identity, that could be useful in legitimizing borders of the new country.
Soon after the Second World War the subject of Scepusian art was less popular, but still some new narratives were being developed, as many works of early modern art were perceived as examples of folk art, but rather because of their countryside location and the discourse, that dominated in late 1940s – early 1950s in Polish art theory and history, than some actual background of these monuments.
In both cases, the popular picture of old Scepusian art was based on expressing values that were seen as positive in given period: Polish identity, antiquity, folk character etc. and hiding more inconvenient ones, like multiethnicity of Spisz, different pre-19th century definition of nation and (sometimes not so high) quality of local art. 

The opening section of the paper is considered with historical conditions of collecting activities undertaken by Polish minority in Czech Republic. The following one explores currently existing regional rooms, such as Room of Tradition in Skrzeczoń, Room of Tradition in Niebory, an exhibition Sky Champions in Cierlicko, which all were created as initiatives of members of Local Polish Cultural and Educational Association in Czech Republic and Karol Piegza Small Regional Museum placed in Primary School in Bukowiec, where Polish is taught as a first language. Those places were analysed according to history of their establishment, the character of gathered collections and forms of exposition and sharing with public. The last section of the paper is devoted to setting out the course for the future research on the collective memory of Polish minority in Czech Republic.
 

According to Hasidic thought, music and dance were a form of relationship with God, full of enthusiasm and joy. Nigguny (Hasidic melodies) allowed to externalize deep emotions better than words of a fervent prayer.

The main performer of niggun is the community, but one Hasid sings during particular prayers. Dancing nigguns are characterized by expressive rhythmic, melodies out of the dance context, especially sung solo, often are slower, and have a reflexive character.
The Nigguns danced and sung by Chassidim, arriving every year (mainly from Israel) to Lelów on the anniversary of the death of Bidermana David (1746-1814), the founder of the community, belong mainly to the group of joyful or dance nigguns, which are in the general Hasidic repertoire. In a Hasidic community only men dance, usually forming a circle in which they move one after the other, keeping one hand on the shoulder of the preceding dancer, and waving freely the second hand. Often repetitive elements of the Hasidic dance, also from Lelów, are the “noodling” moves of the body and the steps back and forth towards the center of the circle.