Contemporary populist movements – outlined as an ideal type (anti-elitism, demagogy, “citizenism”, conspiratorial views, and embrace of simple solutions) – are analysed according to the Weberian approach that focuses on leadership groups: their styles, structures, rhetorics, and the relationship with followers. Populist leaders emerge – and populist movements appear – at the times of rapid social change and the accompanying crises. But they also herald the decline of trust and moderation among the leaders and activists. This decline results in deep divisions and antagonisms within political elites which is reflected in populist styles rhetoric. Populist ascendancy is ac-companied by degeneration of political elites and political decay, that is weakening the core political institutions of the state, rule of law, and democratic.

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This article is a translated and modified version of the text that was published in the previous issue of “Zoon Politikon”. See:
Jan Pakulski, Ruchy populistyczne i degeneracja elit przywódczych – analiza weberowska, “Zoon Politikon” (7) 2016, DOI: 10.19247/ZOON201603.

In democratic countries women’s political participation continues to be lower than men’s. Women are the second-class citizens. The aim of the article is to point out the mechanisms of exclusion that are rooted in the basis of liberal democracy. In the first part of the article I discuss the concept of the political agent, citizenship and public discourse and I explain why I see these categories as discriminating against women. Moreover, I analyze the liberal idea of difference as inclusion criteria that women are not able to meet. In the second part I try to answer the question if the non-exclusive public community could be possible. Invoking the concept of communicative democracy I propose some premises and strategies to implement in order to make women participation in the political community equal.

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This article is a translated and modified version of the text that was published in the previous issue of “Zoon Politikon”. See:
Weronika Żybura, Wspólnota demokratyczna a wykluczenie, "Zoon Politikon" (6) 2015, DOI:10.19247/ZOON201506

Polish authorities have placed so much importance on remembrance policy since the end of 2015 that it has led to the hypertrophy of the phenomenon. From the 1990s, Poland has been at the forefront of shaping the infrastructure of this form of politics in Europe. Admittedly, even before 2015, national remembrance policy referred mainly to martyrologic and heroic experiences from the period 1939-1956, but it was the victory of Law and Justice in the  elections in 2015 and the creation of a oneparty government that resulted in the repeated official declarations of the necessity to defend national “dignity”. This has been accompanied by wiping from national memory past crimes committed by Poles, particularly against Jews.

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This article is a translated and modified version of the text that was published in the previous issue of “Zoon Politikon”. See:
Tomasz Stryjek, Hipertrofia polityki pamięci w III RP i jej konsekwencje od roku 2015, "Zoon Politikon" (8) 2017, DOI: 10.4467/2543408XZOP.17.004.9263.

This work is an analysis of historical motives – with special consideration for the problematic nature of the Volhynian Massacres – in the discourse regarding Ukrainians and Ukrainian immigrants in Polish social media. It was realized using CAQDAS tools on the basis of the materials collected in autumn 2016.

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This article is a translated and modified version of the text that was published in the previous issue of “Zoon Politikon”. See:
Katarzyna Krakowska, Rola rzezi wołyńskiej w budowaniu narracji na temat Ukraińców w polskim internecie, "Zoon Politikon" (8) 2017, DOI: 10.4467/2543408XZOP.17.007.9266.
 

In the article I address Polish-Belarusian relations in the Białystok region in the second decade of the 21st century — twelve years since the adoption of an Act on national and ethnic minorities and regional language. I discuss changes brought about by the new legislation, how they are assessed by leaders of the minority group, and the possible impact of the bill on the sense of national identity among Belarusians in Poland. In the second part of the article, I describe the main conflict between the Polish majority and the Belarusian minority, which concerns the memory and commemoration of the so-called damned soldiers, and of one of them in particular: Romuald Rajs, alias “Bury”.

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This article is a translated and modified version of the text that was published in the previous issue of “Zoon Politikon”. See:
Małgorzata Budyta-Budzyńska, Mniejszość białoruska w Polsce – dwanaście lat po przyjęciu ustawy o mniejszościach narodowych i etnicznych oraz o języku regionalnym,
"Zoon Politikon" (8) 2017, DOI: 10.4467/2543408XZOP.17.011.9268.

The purpose of the article is to reconstruct the reasons why Polish immigrants in Iceland want to apply for Icelandic citizenship. As a result of the analysis, four main motivations for adopting Icelandic citizenship were distinguished: 1) the possibility of visa-free travel to the USA; 2) applying for citizenship "just in case"; 3) obtaining rights that only the Icelanders have and 4) the ability to decide about the fate of the community in which immigrants live. The analysis is based on semi-structured in-depth interviews carried out in Iceland in 2014.

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This article is a translated and modified version of the text that was published in the previous issue of “Zoon Politikon”. See:
Monika Nowicka, Naturalizacja a poakcesyjne migracje: motywy ubiegania się o status obywatela państwa przyjmującego na przykładzie Polaków w Islandii
"Zoon Politikon" (8) 2017, DOI: 10.4467/2543408XZOP.17.003.9269.

The article considers relations between economy and culture focusing on the concept of cultural capital. I discuss different uses of the notion of capital as an analytical category in the discourse of social sciences. Then, I analyze Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of cultural capital in the context of its specific interplay with Marx’s heritage. The main thesis of this text is the claim that both of them used capital in extra-economical meaning and cultural capital in Bourdieu’s theory is nothing more (and nothing less) then symbolic capital. Moreover, the argumentation shows that a basic Marxist dichotomy between economic and cultural causes (base/superstructure) becomes nowadays irrelevant.

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This article is a translated and modified version of the text that was published in the previous issue of “Zoon Politikon”. See:
Barbara Markowska,  Kapitał jako kategoria analityczna: Marks-Bourdieu, “Zoon Politikon” (6) 2015, DOI: 10.19247/ZOON201512.

The paper recognizes mechanisms of capital conversion among given social games, which allows in turn to explain the process of commodification of morality. Conclusions depicting the structure of relations between the financial and moral capitals are used to analyse two practical examples: the concepts of SDG and CSR. The paper proposes a useful way of addressing phenomena on the borderline of economics and ethics, which allows to formulate further research problems.

This Article is made in Open Access, available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 license.
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This article is a translated and modified version of the text that was published in the previous issue of “Zoon Politikon”. See:
Roland Zarzycki, Kapitał moralny w polu gry: transfer i akumulacja, "Zoon Politikon" (6) 2015, DOI:10.19247/ZOON201511.