In the autumn of 1940, the British Mandate authorities interned approximately twenty Polish war refugees at the Mazra’a camp in Palestine. In the subsequent months, over a dozen more were detained. The majority of the refugees were interned at the behest of Polish military intelligence, which accused them of collaboration with foreign agencies. The events concerning the detention of the Poles are detailed in the “Kronika Mazryjska” (“Mazra’a Chronicle”) by Czesław Horain. This document is part of the collection at the Archives of the Polish Institute and Sikorski Museum in London. The narrative was penned by one of the internees and covers topics such as everyday life in the camp and the situations leading to the arrests of the Poles, and the mood among the inmates. As these issues have not been explored in research thus far, publishing the “Mazra’a Chronicle” is both necessary and recommended.

Certain parallels exist between the perception of Germany in Poland and Japan in China. This similarity was observed by Chinese historian Yinan He. Poland and China associate their neighbouring nations with a negative, bellicose stereotype that harks back to the Second World War. However, this war is perceived as merely the latest incident in a long history of transgressions. Post-war, both countries came under communist rule, further demonising the former enemy.

In the 1970s, both China/Japan and Poland/(West) Germany set aside historical grievances in favour of immediate diplomatic normalisation. In the 1980s and 1990s in Poland, this superficial reconciliation evolved into genuine reconciliation, thanks largely to the efforts of the Catholic Church and the joint membership of Poland and a united Germany in NATO and the EU. Concurrently in Japan, but particularly in communist China, practices of elite mythmaking only served to accentuate historical animosities. In East Asia, there appears to be a mutual lack of willingness for true reconciliation and forgiveness

This research examines the foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey towards the Balkan region during the Cold War. The article aims to elucidate the fundamental principles underpinning Turkey’s approach to the region within the context of the bipolar international system. With the onset of the Cold War, the Balkan Peninsula found itself bifurcated into two blocs, reflecting the reconfigured international order. Consequently, segments of the Balkan states fell under Soviet sway. While Turkey had previously maintained a stance of active neutrality during the Second World War, there was a swift shift in its foreign policy. Driven by security imperatives and apprehensions regarding the Soviet threat to its territorial integrity, Turkey aligned itself with the Western bloc. This article seeks to address the nature of Turkey’s policy towards the Balkan nations that were part of the opposing political and military bloc and the factors influencing its relations with these countries.

Political relations between Warsaw and Prague in 1989 were influenced by the disproportion between the rate of the systemic changes taking place in both countries and the critical stance of the KSČ leadership towards the changes taking place in Poland. The negative assessment of the decision to convene the Round Table talks, the capitulating attitude of the PZPR, which de facto agreed to abandon the principles of socialism in the economy and accepted the strengthening of the Solidarity opposition, influenced the reduction of official political contacts, especially in the second half of 1989. This also applied to cooperation between social organisations, especially youth organisations, cultural cooperation and individual border traffic. All these issues were perceived by PLR diplomats making attempts to counteract the isolation by party activists of various levels and trying to counteract the unfavourable presentation of Poland in the Czechoslovak media and supporting their citizens subjected to persecution by Czechoslovak border guards

After the Second World War, Henryk Batowski became deeply involved in fostering post- -war cooperation among the Slavic nations. From 1945 to 1952, he served as an activist and a member of the governing body of the Polish Slavic Committee, which was responsible for promoting the idea of Slavic unity to a wide audience. For many years, he also worked as an editor for “Życie Słowiańskie” [“Slavic Life”], the primary publication of the association. He perceived the emergent Slavic movement as non-political and non-ideological, a stance that often conflicted with the communist authorities. This research aims to shed light on Henryk Batowski’s contributions to the Slavic Committee and evaluate the significant role this distinguished scholar played in advancing the aforementioned concept amidst the socio-political landscape of post-war Poland.

The break-up of the SFRY in 1991 led to a significant reshaping of the region’s political landscape. Four of the six former Yugoslav republics subsequently joined NATO, enhancing the geopolitical stability in the North Atlantic Alliance’s vicinity. Given the intricate socio-political dynamics in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo, the affiliation of these former Yugoslav republics with NATO undoubtedly contributes to regional stability. Conversely, in the prevailing political climate, the Russian Federation, leveraging its influence among the Bosnian Serbs and within Serbia, is introducing destabilizing factors to the area.

In the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, as well as in the states that emerged after its break-up, various types of conflict were evident at many levels. One such conflict has been sports rivalries, which, although intended to be separate from the prevailing political disputes, became a significant element in the escalating conflict between the federation’s nations and republics. This article aims to present and analyze the role of sport and its associated competitions in political conflict, both before and after Yugoslavia’s break-up.

Through the presentation of a part of the deviations of the social life, which appeared in Yugoslavian socialism, we are actually returning to the deep roots of the disorientation and resignation of the common people towards the contemporary Macedonian social trends and towards the contemporary Macedonian political elite. All of these deviations in the social sphere appeared everywhere across the SFRY, but got a stronger hold over the consciousness of the common people in some republics more than in others. In the Socialist Republic of Macedonia/Republic of Macedonia/ Republic of North Macedonia, another important factor added up to the economic underdevelopment: the previous historical inexperience in coping with its own national

New institutionalism resurrected political institutions, arguing that they constrain behavior of political actors. Consequently, the consociational model was founded on the assumption that the institutions and practices associated with it create a structure of incentives for leaders of ethnic groups that should encourage them to moderate and cooperate. However, in post-conflict, deeply divided countries where institutions are weak and often externally imposed, political actors can interpret and exploit them, stretching their boundaries and adapting them to new conditions, or simply avoiding them. As Robert D. Putnam notes, “two centuries of constitution-writing around the world warn us that the designers of new institutions often write on water – institutional reform does not always change fundamental patterns of politics” (1993: 17). Following this statement, the main aim of the article is an analysis, rooted in the new institutionalism, of the relationship and the inevitable tension between political institutions and actors in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina. By proposing the term “rebound effect”, the paper tries to explain the dysfunctionality of the Bosnian model of consociationalism. Using congruence theory (Almond & Verba 1965), I also hypothesize that coherence between political actors (their political culture) and political institutions (the patterns of behavior they imply) is crucial for the so-called “behavioral realisation” of any constructed structure – institution, and, as a result, for the entire political system and its functionality

Social welfare is a vital aspect of modern democracies, encompassing development, ideas, and public policy implementation. This study focuses on the theoretical foundations and practical dimensions of social welfare, aiming to understand its conceptual background and address contemporary challenges. Analyzing the relationship between social welfare and the concept of “need,” the study highlights the role of welfare policies in meeting essential requirements. It further explores the connection between social welfare, poverty, and social exclusion, emphasizing the need to combat marginalization through effective policies. The study delves into the interdependence of social welfare with economic development and growth, emphasizing their mutual reliance. It also examines the link between social welfare and social rights, advocating the combination of universal and selective policies to achieve welfare for all. Moreover, the study addresses emerging challenges such as digitization, robotization, and the COVID-19 pandemic, emphasizing the importance of social investment and active policy implementation to adapt to new circumstances. The aim is to strike a balance between theoretical foundations, philosophical relationships, and practical solutions, ensuring that fundamental values are upheld while addressing contemporary needs. In conclusion, this study provides a comprehensive understanding of social welfare by bridging theoreticalparameters with practical policies. It underscores the importance of implementing relevant social policies to achieve social welfare and emphasizes the need to adapt social policies to evolving challenges.

This article focuses on multiple bordering practices introduced in the context of the initial COVID -19 responses in Croatia and Serbia. These practices, often focused on the imposition of mobility control, were differently framed, executed and challenged in these two contexts and demonstrated a long-term restructuring of the European border regime at the gates of the EU . The paper outlines and contextualizes constant interplay and mutual stimulation of movement suppression and movement resilience in response to the new virus, blurring and sharpening borders, as seen from these two states at the political and geographical peripheries of Europe. Croatia and Serbia employed spectacularization and invisibilization of movement control, which steadily fostered the further compartmentalization of the population in both countries but with notable differences, especially regarding the control over unwanted migration toward the EU . In the period under discussion, borders were activated, imposed and challenged, exposing the changeability of relations between the EU border regime and the sovereign-nation states which comprise it. Different positions of Serbia and Croatia in the EU border regime also led to differences with regard to movement control, bordering, encampment and the repression exhibited toward people on the move. Old and new typologies of movement repression were tested and employed within the COVID -19 crisis framework, resulting in the further compartmentalization of societies and exclusions

This article analyzes the post-Yugoslav Serbian-Russian political, economic and security connection. The research examines bilateral cooperation and its effects on regional and global security using history, political science and international relations. Ideological affinities, political maneuverings, economic dependency and mutual security interests define the relationship, which has major ramifications for Balkan stability and European security. The essay continues by examining the policy implications of the Serbian-Russian alliance for regional and global players and suggesting future research options in light of the changing geopolitical landscape

The bespopovtsy are Orthodox Christians without clergy. They hold the belief that the reign of the Antichrist on earth invalidates the priesthood and sacraments (except baptism) of any Christian Church. This belief emerged in response to the liturgical reforms undertaken by the Orthodox Church in Muscovy, which they deem to have introduced unacceptable alterations to traditional rites. Consequently, the bespopovtsy contend that following the death of the last clergymen ordained according to the rite preceding the reform, genuine priests no longer exist in the world, leaving Jesus Christ as the sole guiding priest for believers. Bespopovtsy communities are organized into communes overseen by regulators, and their places of worship are termed molenna. Due to the absence of a clerical hierarchy, various distinct communities rapidly evolved within the bespopovtsy group.