In the article, the author would like to present the analysis of a historical source – a student catalog from the Law Faculty of the University of Vienna. We research how to change the Croatian students’ religion and language from the Austro-Hungarian lands in the 19th century; Banovina, Slavonia, Dalmatia, Istria, Bosnia, and Hercegovina. On the basis of these catalogs, we look to answer how to create Croatian nationality in the second half of the 19th century, because this process was different in all these lands, such as Bosnia and Hercegovina where we have Muslim people with Croatian nationality or Croatian people in Dalmatia who think of themselves as Yugoslavs.

The article is an attempt to underline the difference in the conduct of foreign policy by two allied countries. One of them – France, had the opinion of the most powerful state in Europe after World War I, and the other – Belgium, was a small country that decided to abandon its neutrality (imposed by the great powers in 1839). Such an alliance, salutary for strengthening the security guarantees towards the former occupant, brought with it fears of domination and instrumental treatment. In matters of eastern policy, both countries were concerned about the loss of numerous investments and capital investments in tsarist Russia. It was through this prism that the Polish-Bolshevik war was assessed. The second factor that distinguished the two countries in their approach to the war was the different composition of the government. While in France the electoral victory of the National Bloc facilitated the conduct of politics, the government of catholic-socialist coalition in Belgium faced serious obstacles from the socialists, which was manifested in the decision concerning the transit of weapons to Poland. French aid in the form of weapons supplies and support for Poland from the diplomatic side led to an alliance with Poland. Belgium took advantage of the end of the war to establish, above all, economic cooperation.

The paper presents forms of commemoration of the Bleiburg tragedy and the Way of the Cross in the communities of Croatian political refugees in the West and different interpretations of the mentioned events. It also analyzes some cases in which the world public was made aware of the massacres committed by communist Yugoslavia, as well as forms of repression and diplomatic pressure by the Yugoslav authorities to prevent commemorations in Bleiburg.

Firstly, the author analyzes those resources of historical memory that distinguish Hungary and Poland from the other states of Central and Eastern Europe. On the one hand, these resources most strongly associate them with the West, and on the other, they allow them to oppose it to justify their alternative development path. Secondly, he analyzes the cases of populists of various types across the region since 1989, highlighting those who campaigned with interpretations of the past to delegitimize political opponents, mainly from the left. Finally, and thirdly, he presents policies of memory of the right-wing governments of Hungary and Poland. In his opinion only they meet the criteria for the definition of historical populism. This term is what he calls a consistent governmental policy aimed at liberal elites and globalization as embodied by the West. It is conducted by changing the sense given to the entire past following the ideology of ethnocentrism and neo-traditionalism. This ideology is addressed to people-nation (lat. populus) to whom it assigns the role of an heir of a unique history and national tradition.

The article aims to show the main circumstances influencing the evolution of the Italian diplomatic attitude towards the post-Yugoslav and Albanian area from 1991 through 2001. Both the international and internal contexts are included (the change of international order after the collapse of communist regimes, relations with NATO and the European Union, and the weakening of the international position of Italy as the result of its internal political crisis in 1992–1994). Two mutually supportive elements can be distinguished within the Italian policy toward the Balkans. Traditionally, Italian diplomats were focused on bilateral and multilateral activities aiming at the protection of territorial security and economic interests, primarily in the Adriatic region. They criticized all international military intervention in the post-Yugoslav area. This attitude was partially changed in 1999, when Italy decided to take part in NATO’s air operation Allied Force against Yugoslavia, although many controversies regarding this action arose on the Italian political scene. The article is based on published diplomatic documents, scientific publications and the press.

The Greek welfare state has faced multidimensional crises from the first period of its existence until now. From the traditional unstable democratic and institutional context to the financial crisis, which exacerbated social problems, and from the latter to the pandemic, which posed challenges for the immediate handling of the health needs as well as long term necessities for measures in order to address the economic shortcomings of the pandemic, the Greek welfare state has been in a permanent strain. This study aims to present the main historical as well as contemporary challenges of the Greek welfare state and to draw some conclusions about its role in the post-covid era as well as to emphasize the main directions in order to address old and new social problems, always with reference to relative empirical data.

Statutory law based on the philosophy and doctrine of Roman law is the basic principle of organization, management and functioning of modern state bodies, assuming the form of a democratic state ruled by law. At the same time, the alternative (already existing in antiquity) organization of social life was primeval communities, the identity of which was shaped and sustained by clantribal rules of a hierarchically shaped community. The text consists of four parts. The first one presents the concept of the democratic rule of law (basic assumptions). The second part contains considerations on tribalism and neotribalism, i.e. a return to the idea of clan-tribal communities. The third part, in turn, was devoted to discussing the Albanian tribes being an example of clan-tribal culture in southern Europe, along with empirical research. The last part presents information on Kanunu, Besa, Gjakmarrji – the basic concepts of Albanian customary law. The text includes an introduction and ending as well as relevant literature on the subject.

Contemporary analyses of the international reality allow it to be seen as more and more complex. Globalization, new wars and failed states are examples of challenges faced by individual actors and the entire international community. The interdependence of phenomena in their global scope necessitates the creation of international coalitions of states and organizations as part of creating resourcesin the global management of these problems. The steady growth of China’s power and the prospect of a return to global competition between superpowers complicates this picture even more. Heads of state and international organizations set ambitious goals for their organizations in the face of emergingchallenges. They assume the strengthening of unity, adaptation to the changing international reality and expansion of resources. Plans to meet the challenges of the present, go together with a demographic determinant. The low birth rate associated with the aging of the population is likely to increase social benefits in the general budget balance of countries. The article aims to analyze the development of the situation of EU and NATO countries from the perspective of the demographic challenges that they and the whole world will face in the first half of the 21st century. The text will take into account both the presentation of demographic changes from the past and in the present in the theoretical (Malthusianism, Neo-Malthusianism) and practical (population policy) dimensions.

The paper follows in the assumption that the transformations of central-European and Balkan cities taking place in the second half of the 20th century can be considered a symptom of complex economic, social and political processes related to the development and decline of the culture of socialism. Changes after the Second World War were closely interconnected with the urbanization project, which was implemented in two ways – either by rebuilding, reorganizing and resemantizing old cities, or by creating cities and urban communities – in a modernist spirit – from scratch. We consider these issues by comparing three examples of cities with different historical experience, which shaped their identities within culturally and politically different frames of reference.

The subject of thus oriented considerations is the question of what happened to the socialist utopia which at the end of the 20th century was put to the test. What was its fate depending on various politically – but also culturally-motivated scenarios of political transformation? In what way and by whom is its heritage appropriated in the 1990’s? While analyzing the fate of the utopia of the new city from a post-communist perspective, it should be noted that although individual projects did not meet the ideals and hopes of their designers, they proved to be an impulse that released social activityqualitatively different from existing traditional patterns and initiated a thorough redefinition of urban identities.

The purpose of this work was to examine the role that the subject of Central Europe plays in cultural politics in the Czech Republic. In the first part of this work, there are definitions of national identity, cultural politics and Central Europe. Moreover, there is information about institutions that are responsible for the development of the Czech culture. The second chapter is an analysis of the activity of Czech artists which is related to Central Europe and the states of the region. The last chapter is research about the participation of artistic events related to the region among those subsidized by the minister’s programs for the development of international cultural relations.

The catalog contains an alphabetical list of 932 Montenegrin films and films about Montenegro; the author based his work on the publications of Gojko Kastratović and his research. The summary can be used as material for basic research in various disciplines.