Volume 18

OD DEPORTACJI DO OKUPACJI. TATARZY KRYMSCY W WALCE O PODMIOTOWOŚĆ POLITYCZNĄ

Przedmowa

Alim Alijew

Wschodnioznawstwo (Eastern Studies), Volume 18, 2024, pp. 11 - 12

https://doi.org/10.4467/20827695WSC.24.001.20616

PDF

Wprowadzenie

Larysa Leshchenko, Maria Protsiuk

Wschodnioznawstwo (Eastern Studies), Volume 18, 2024, pp. 13 - 14

https://doi.org/10.4467/20827695WSC.24.002.20617

PDF

J. Otto Pohl

Wschodnioznawstwo (Eastern Studies), Volume 18, 2024, pp. 15 - 31

https://doi.org/10.4467/20827695WSC.24.003.20618

Shortly following the recapture of the Crimean peninsula from German occupation in 1944, the Stalin regime decided to forcibly remove the Crimean Tatar population to Uzbekistan. This decision was officially made on 11 V 1944 and carried out on 18‑ 20 V 1944. The NKVD rounded up close to 200,000 Crimean Tatars during those three days and sent them by train eastward towards Central Asia. Uzbekistan remained the destination for the vast majority of the deportees. More than 150,000 Crimean Tatar deportees arrived in Uzbekistan in the summer of 1944. The Soviet government resettled over a third of these men, women, and children in Tashkent Oblast outside of the capital city of the republic. In Uzbekistan the NKVD initially settled most of these deportees on kolkhozes and sovkhozes to work as agricultural workers. Malaria, malnutrition, and other maladies claimed the lives of tens of thousands of Crimean Tatar lives during their first couple of years in Uzbekistan. These deadly material conditions convinced many Crimean Tatars to subsequently go find jobs in mines, factories, and constructions sites where they could get better access to medicine and food. The Soviet authorities sent around another 30,000 Crimean Tatars to the Urals and other regions of the R.S.F.S.R. In the Urals the NKVD employed the deported Crimean Tatars in forestry work felling trees. The Soviet government placed the Crimean Tatars both in Uzbekistan and the Urals under special settlement restrictions confining them to their new places of residence and work until 28 IV 1956. Even after this date, however, they were not allowed to return home. This article is on their material and legal conditions from 18 V 1944 until 28 IV 1956, a period of 12 years that had a traumatic and long lasting effect upon the national development of the Crimean Tatars. The source base for this article consists mostly of archival documents from the State Archives of the Russian Federation (GARF). Some of these I had access to directly while others are reproduced in published document collections.

PDF

Martin-Oleksandr Kisly

Wschodnioznawstwo (Eastern Studies), Volume 18, 2024, pp. 33 - 47

https://doi.org/10.4467/20827695WSC.24.004.20619

The purpose of this study is to highlight the return of the Crimean Tatars to their homeland in the late 1960s and their struggle for the right to reside in Crimea. The paper examines the Crimean Tatars’ visits to Soviet and party authorities in Simferopol, the administrative center of the Crimean region, protest demonstrations, and squatting in public squares and parks. The main goal of the study is to shed light on an underexplored chapter in the history of the Crimean Tatars’ return, which took place after the signing of the Decree of 5 IX 1967, issued by the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet. This article seeks to reconstruct their struggle for the right to return to Crimea in the face of Soviet authorities resistance, using an urban history perspective focused on Simferopol, particularly its central part.

PDF

Evlogi Stanchev

Wschodnioznawstwo (Eastern Studies), Volume 18, 2024, pp. 49 - 65

https://doi.org/10.4467/20827695WSC.24.005.20620

This essay discusses the diverse places, images and functions of the Crimean Peninsula within the identity of the demographically small Tatar community in present‑ day Vetovo, Bulgaria. Although the paper follows a multidisciplinary approach, anthropological fieldwork conducted with respondents of different profiles constitutes the backbone of the research. Based on Jan Assmann’s influential paradigm of „cultural memory”, the text places special emphasis on the various mechanisms of reproduction of different notions and representations across generations. Following this framework, the author argues that Crimea is experienced differently depending on the individual’s personal or family background. Nevertheless, in the long‑ term, the peninsula remains a main point of reference (as „the ancient homeland”) as well as a source of identification (because „we came from Crimea”) for the local community in the context of an assimilative, Turkish‑ dominated environment.

PDF

Natalia Yakovenko, Inna Valevska

Wschodnioznawstwo (Eastern Studies), Volume 18, 2024, pp. 67 - 85

https://doi.org/10.4467/20827695WSC.24.006.20621

The article explores the processes of formation of contemporary Ukrainian political nation, founded by both the Ukrainian and Crimean Tatar peoples. The unique nature of this process lies in the fact that the Crimean Tatars, who are ethnically Turkic, religiously Muslim, and are bearers of a different „cultural code” in contrast to Ukrainians, who are Slavs and predominantly Christians, have become subjects in the formation of the Ukrainian political nation. They both fight side by side for the Ukrainian state and envision their future together.
The article is aimed at studying the reasons behind such a unique phenomenon in the modern world, which suffers from conflicts of identity – ethnic, linguistic, religious, and historical ones. The writers of the paper are trying to analyze processes and reasons behind the Crimean Tatars’ struggle for Ukraine’s territorial integrity and sovereignty, which is also a struggle for their own political subjectivity. The authors also try to examine why cultural, historical, and political development of the Crimean Tatar people is possible only within the framework of a unified Ukrainian state.

PDF

Nataliia Dukach

Wschodnioznawstwo (Eastern Studies), Volume 18, 2024, pp. 87 - 106

https://doi.org/10.4467/20827695WSC.24.007.20622

The article examines the development of political participation of the Crimean Tatars, an indigenous people of Ukraine, and the peculiarities of its functioning in 1989‑‑ 2022. The author divides this process into three conditional stages: the revival of the Crimean Tatar movement (late 1989‑ 1991); Crimean Tatars in the political landscape of independent Ukraine (1991‑2014); political participation of Crimean Tatars in the context of the annexation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the Russian‑ Ukrainian war (2014‑ 2022).
The author describes in detail the revival of the Crimean Tatar movement in the late 1980s and early 1990s, when Crimean Tatars massively advocated for repatriation and created their own representative body, the Mejlis. Next, the process of formation of relations between the Crimean Tatars and the Ukrainian authorities in 1991‑ 2014 is highlighted. The emphasis is also placed on the main features of the political participation of the Crimean Tatars in 2014‑ 2022, in the context of the annexation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and before the full‑ scale invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation. It is noted that during this period, the indigenous people faced a new threat to their existence – the repressive policy of the occupation authorities.
In conclusion, the author concludes that the process of development of political participation of the Crimean Tatar indigenous people of Ukraine in 1989‑2022 was quite complex and ambiguous, characterized by stages of growth and decline. In particular, the author emphasizes that the most important victory for the indigenous people was the adoption of the Law of Ukraine „On Indigenous Peoples of Ukraine” in 2021. However, as the author notes, the adoption of this law is only one of the steps in building further political and legal relations between Ukraine and indigenous peoples.

PDF

Oksana Voytyuk

Wschodnioznawstwo (Eastern Studies), Volume 18, 2024, pp. 107 - 127

https://doi.org/10.4467/20827695WSC.24.008.20623

Cultural diplomacy is a one of the crucial aspects of public diplomacy. However, some countries neglect this aspect due to more important matters and a lack of funding, which is a significant mistake. The Russia‑ Ukraine war has demonstrated the importance of cultural diplomacy for a nation’s security. Unfortunately, Ukraine’s efforts in cultural diplomacy have not been systematic but rather sporadic. Viktor Yushchenko was the first Ukrainian president to recognize the importance of cultural heritage and cultural diplomacy. However, in 2004, his appeals to preserve cultural heritage, language, and traditions and culture were largely ignored. It was only after the annexation of Crimea in 2014 that cultural diplomacy gained momentum. Initially, it was the cultural diplomacy of the Crimean Tatars, which became a key component of Ukraine’s broader cultural diplomacy. Having endured the tragic experiences of the 1944 deportation and the 2014 occupation of Crimea, the Crimean Tatars actively began share information about Crimea, deportation, and violation of human rights both within Ukraine and abroad. Until the annexation of Crimea, not so many people in Ukraine knew the true history of the Crimean Tatars. The Russian military invasion of Ukraine on 24 II 2022, led to many Ukrainian cultural figures becoming ambassadors of Ukraine in the field of cultural diplomacy. Since 24 II 2022, prominent representatives of the Crimean Tatar people have become not only promoters of Crimea and Crimean Tatar culture but also of Ukraine on the international stage. This article aims to highlight the involvement of the Crimean Tatars in cultural diplomacy and to present the most interesting projects and films. These do not cover the entire spectrum of activities but offer readers an introduction to various areas of promoting Crimea and Ukraine.

PDF

Wojciech Łysek

Wschodnioznawstwo (Eastern Studies), Volume 18, 2024, pp. 129 - 144

https://doi.org/10.4467/20827695WSC.24.009.20624

The main aim of this paper is to present the annexation process of Ukrainian Crimea by Russia from the perspective of a decade. There have been lived numerous Russian‑ speaking people, and a large community of Crimean Tatars. Hence, it is worth analyzing the reconstruction of the annexation of Crimea by presenting the Russian narrative from the Revolution of Dignity to the referendum in Crimea; discussion of the resistance of the Crimean Tatars and Russian repression. The paper will be based on a behavioral approach. It will focus on content analysis: state documents, politicians’ speeches, press materials, analysis, and literature. As a result of the paper, it will find the best strategy for states, which are potentially threatened by Russian aggression.

PDF

Sezai Özçelik

Wschodnioznawstwo (Eastern Studies), Volume 18, 2024, pp. 145 - 168

https://doi.org/10.4467/20827695WSC.24.010.20625

This chapter explores the link between the erosion of legislative power in Russia and human rights violations perpetrated by the Kremlin in its „near abroad”. It argues that the weakening of the Duma, Russia’s Parliament, since Vladimir Putin’s rise to power in 2000, has emboldened executive overreach on human rights issues.
The chapter examines two fundamental case studies: 1) The Chechen Wars and Beyond: This section analyzes how the Duma’s failure to act as a check on the executive during the Second Chechen War (1999‑ 2009) set a precedent for future human rights abuses in the region. 2) The Annexation of Crimea and the Plight of the Crimean Tatars: This section investigates how the 2014 annexation of Crimea and subsequent persecution of the Crimean Tatars exemplifies Russia’s disregard for international human rights norms and the Duma’s complicity in such violations.
By analyzing these cases, the chapter demonstrates how a weakened legislature has facilitated the Kremlin’s exploitation of „frozen conflicts” in former Soviet territories to undermine human rights and pursue geopolitical agendas. The chapter briefly mentions the concept of „frozen conflicts” and their significance for Russia’s foreign policy. It also highlights the broader implications of Russia’s human rights record for the international order.

PDF

MILITARNY I POZAMILITARNY WYMIAR WSCHODNIEJ POLITYKI BEZPIECZEŃSTWA PO AGRESJI ROSJI W 2014 R.

Wprowadzenie

Krzysztof Kociubiński, Marek Kulczycki, Marek Musioł, Wojciech Szczerbowicz

Wschodnioznawstwo (Eastern Studies), Volume 18, 2024, pp. 171 - 175

https://doi.org/10.4467/20827695WSC.24.011.20626

PDF

Rüştü Salim Savaş Biçer

Wschodnioznawstwo (Eastern Studies), Volume 18, 2024, pp. 177 - 192

https://doi.org/10.4467/20827695WSC.24.012.20627

While the fundamental nature of warfare does not change, new models and tactics will continuously be developed as it always involves a conflict of will and interests, violence, resistance, political manoeuvring or deception. The character of war will continue to evolve and become more common than ever as rival parties engage in activities outside the usual peace‑crisis‑conflict dynamic. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, which started with the annexation of Crimea and support for the separatist movements in the two eastern regions of Donetsk and Luhansk, turned into a direct full‑scale military attack on the entire country as of 24 II 2022. Due to these developments, how the new operation concept, which the NATO alliance has begun to design for the coming years, will be affected, has gained importance. NATO’s military supremacy is under threat as Russia actively readapts its more aggressive military stances, as seen in the example of its invasion of Ukraine. Alliance Members are subject to constant attacks today, even under traditional warfare thresholds. Conflicts that spread to NATO Partner countries and even regions close to the alliance borders also risk a significant spread to Allied territory. The NATO alliance must be ready for this. This research presents critical takeaways from work guiding future capability development. It offers recommendations from a new perspective so that NATO can continue to defend and protect the interests and values of its members.

PDF

Łukasz Fijałkowski

Wschodnioznawstwo (Eastern Studies), Volume 18, 2024, pp. 193 - 206

https://doi.org/10.4467/20827695WSC.24.013.20628

Recent years have accelerated the change in the perception of the international environment by the Australian government, where previous international trends have rapidly accelerated from the Australian perspective, which has forced changes in the current security strategy and has also influenced the international actions taken. The Indo‑ Pacific region is becoming a point of reference for Australia, and emerging new challenges and threats are forcing changes to the current policy. Thus, in recent years Australia has been modifying its strategic assessment and taking action to adapt to the situation and attempt to maintain the current, favorable „rules‑ based” international order. China and its policy have emerged as the main strategic challenge. Hence Australia is invigorating its involvement in multilateral institutions in the region together with new minilateral formats (Quad, Aukus) and bilateralism. However, China does not exhaust all contemporary challenges to Australia’s security, hence we are dealing with a change in the current vision of state defense and security strategy to an approach that is intended to engage not only state institutions, but the entire society (whole‑ of‑nation strategy).

PDF

Anvar Ismayilli

Wschodnioznawstwo (Eastern Studies), Volume 18, 2024, pp. 207 - 229

https://doi.org/10.4467/20827695WSC.24.014.20629

Since the start of war in Ukraine, the geopolitical landscape of EU’s Eastern Neighborhood has experienced structural transformations. Under conditions of tectonic shifts within given geopolitical conjuncture, powerful actors like EU and Russia sought to preserve their influence in Eastern Europe, while smaller states of the South Caucasus tried to fulfill own aims. Using qualitative research methodology, the study examines wide range of secondary sources and concluded that the war in Ukraine caused in weakening Russian influence in the South Caucasus, whereas EU raised its capabilities as an international actor in the region, in parallel with the increased expectations of Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia.

PDF

Krzysztof Kociubiński, Victor Shadurski

Wschodnioznawstwo (Eastern Studies), Volume 18, 2024, pp. 231 - 253

https://doi.org/10.4467/20827695WSC.24.015.20630

Despite the obvious advantages of democratic governance and market economy, in the modern world a noticeable consolidation of authoritarian regimes can be observed, which is aimed primarily at preserving personalist models of power. The coexistence of democratic and authoritarian states is the most important challenge for ensuring global and regional security. The main reason for international tension at the present stage is that authoritarian regimes are by their nature aggressive both in domestic and foreign policy. Practice shows that undemocratic governments try to justify their systemic mistakes and miscalculations to the population by using an external threat.
The topic of the publication is the demonstration of the aggressive nature of the Belarusian dictatorship and assessment of its hostile actions against neighboring democratic states. The study also pays close attention to the analysis of the effectiveness of democratic policies in countering military and hybrid attacks by non‑ democratic countries.
The article examines with specific examples the hybrid threats that the Belarusian dictatorship uses: encouragement of illegal migration, propaganda and disinformation, attempts to undermine stability and cause panic in a neighboring country through subversive operations, and creation of environmental problems and others.
The authors also assess the attempts of democratic countries to counter the aggressive actions of authoritarian neighbors. They consider the measures taken by democratic countries to counter the aggressive actions to be clearly insufficient and often ineffective. The main reason for this is the lack of a collective strategy and the implementation of an active and coordinated policy. The collective strategy, according to the authors, could include various measures, first of all a limitation of the international legal personality of regimes that violate international law and domestic legislation and also punishing criminals who commit crimes against humanity.
The coexistence of democratic and authoritarian states is a reality of the modern world. The main thing is that this coexistence is as peaceful and constructive as possible. This is not achieved automatically, but requires constant active actions by the international community

PDF

Maciej Kowalczyk

Wschodnioznawstwo (Eastern Studies), Volume 18, 2024, pp. 255 - 279

https://doi.org/10.4467/20827695WSC.24.016.20631

The aim of the article is a scientific trial of a description of the economy of the separatist Transnistrian region as part of the economic system of the Republic of Moldova and the region, generating income not only for representatives of the „authorities” in Tiraspol, but also for the political and business decision makers on the territory controlled by the government in Chisinau, Ukraine and Russian Federation. Explanation focuses on three areas of the Transnistrian economy: the market, smuggling and cryptocurrency mining. The challenge for the researcher is the availability of official documents and data. The analysis focuses on available statistical data and expert studies, as well as media coverage by Moldovan and foreign outlets, that refer to the market and non‑ market aspects of the Transnistrian and Moldovan economies. The information and opinions collected in the course of the research process allow for an attempt to assess the probability of further existence of the economic territory, not subject to the jurisdiction of the constitutional authorities of the Republic of Moldova, especially in the context of the war in Ukraine and the pro‑ European course of the government in Chisinau.

PDF

Marek Kulczycki

Wschodnioznawstwo (Eastern Studies), Volume 18, 2024, pp. 281 - 297

https://doi.org/10.4467/20827695WSC.24.017.20632

The article is a continuation of the author’s project covering the issues of bilateral cooperation between the North Atlantic Alliance and Ukraine, carried out from the beginning of its establishment to the present day. Its aim is to analyze bilateral NATO‑Ukraine relations after 2014 and identify the most important arrangements that may significantly result in strengthening Ukrainian security in the political and military dimension, as well as its improvement in the international dimension. An attempt was made to explain selected events and decisions that influenced the shape of relations between NATO and Ukraine.

PDF

Marek Musioł

Wschodnioznawstwo (Eastern Studies), Volume 18, 2024, pp. 299 - 322

https://doi.org/10.4467/20827695WSC.24.018.20633

This article analyzes the geopolitical significance of the Nova Kakhovka Dam during the period of 2022‑ 2023, with a focus on its role as a potential existential threat within the critical discourse of water security. The analysis is framed within the context of hydropolitics and critical hydrographic geopolitics, situated within the broader theoretical framework of critical security studies. Through in‑ depth research on the discourse and language of security related to this issue, the article assesses the strategic implications of the dam for regional security and international relations. Special emphasis is placed on the period following the Russian aggression in February 2022, leading up to the dam’s destruction by Russian forces in June 2023. Consequently, this article serves as a valuable resource for analysts and policymakers involved in the formulation of water security strategies and agendas.

PDF

Jarosław Stróżyk

Wschodnioznawstwo (Eastern Studies), Volume 18, 2024, pp. 323 - 337

https://doi.org/10.4467/20827695WSC.24.019.20634

Intelligence cooperation among NATO member states, with Poland’s active participation dating back to 1999, is essential for the Alliance’s cohesion and solidarity in the face of real threats. Agreed threat assessments within the North Atlantic Alliance form the basis for strategic planning and financial resource allocation. The process of developing threat analyses within the NATO framework requires intensive intelligence collaboration. Moreover, the nature of contemporary operations increases the need for precise information, making intelligence work even more challenging and demanding. In this context, it should be acknowledged that professional intelligence cooperation is one of the foundations of the effective functioning of the North Atlantic Alliance. With this in mind, the main objective of this article is to present the scope and purpose of NATO intelligence cooperation from 1999 to 2019, as well as its key determinants, analyzed in terms of both opportunities and threats for the future of this process.

PDF

Wojciech Szczerbowicz

Wschodnioznawstwo (Eastern Studies), Volume 18, 2024, pp. 339 - 358

https://doi.org/10.4467/20827695WSC.24.020.20635

The Arctic has often been viewed as a region insulated from broader global conflicts, a concept known as ‘Arctic exceptionalism’. However, Russia’s full‑ scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 has challenged this notion, leading to growing tensions and increased militarisation. This study uses a poststructuralist framework to analyse the Arctic strategies published by Western Arctic states between 2006 and 2024, treating these strategies as key speech acts that construct political meaning. Discourse analysis, facilitated by AntConc software, examines how Western Arctic states frame Russia and how these narratives have evolved. The findings reveal a shift from portraying Russia as a cooperative partner to an increasingly militarised and expansionist actor. This shift reflects contrasting approaches – Western states focus on multilateralism and international law, while Russia emphasises sovereignty and military power. The poststructuralist approach highlights how discourse actively constructs Arctic political realities, influencing power dynamics and regional stability.
Future Arctic governance depends on resolving broader political tensions, but meaningful re–engagement with Russia remains uncertain. Sustaining multilateralism and adherence to international law will be crucial to counter destabilising narratives and support a cooperative and peaceful Arctic.

PDF

VARIA

Oblicza sowieckiego antysemityzmu. Od zakończenia II wojny światowej do rozwiązania ZSRR

Tadeusz Lebioda

Wschodnioznawstwo (Eastern Studies), Volume 18, 2024, pp. 361 - 389

https://doi.org/10.4467/20827695WSC.24.021.20636

aim of this article is to sketch the attitude of Soviet power and society towards the Jews from the end of the Second World War until the dissolution of the USSR. It has become particularly important to demonstrate the anti‑ Semitic policies and propaganda of the Stalinist regime. The aim is also to delineate the change in attitude towards Jews that occurred after Khrushchev came to power. The liberalisation of the regime was accompanied by a softening of anti‑ Semitic propaganda. The article will also outline the period of stagnation of the system of power in the USSR during Brezhnev’s rule. It will reflect negatively on the situation of Jews in the country. The promoted unity and brotherhood of nations was juxtaposed with bureaucratic harassment of the Jews. Their emigration was also blocked and widespread surveillance was carried out. In the 1970s, their situation was improved by international relaxation. The period of Gorbachev’s Perestroika saw a rise in Russian nationalism and anti‑ Semitic sentiment. Dissident groups emerged, opportunities for Jewish organisational development and culture improved, and emigration intensified. There was support from the World Jewish Congress. In the Soviet system, attitudes towards Jews were visible on two levels characterised by state anti‑ Semitism and social anti Semitism.

PDF

Krystian Saja

Wschodnioznawstwo (Eastern Studies), Volume 18, 2024, pp. 391 - 408

https://doi.org/10.4467/20827695WSC.24.022.20637

The main purpose of the article is to show the face of information warfare and the resulting threats in the cited armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine. In addition, it serves to present the overall manifestations of hybrid warfare, with an indication of specific examples from the ongoing war. In the article I will use works on the definitional analysis of hybrid and information warfare, as well as examples from the ongoing hybrid conflict of the Russian Federation with Ukraine. Modern hybrid conflicts are complex operations, distinguished by the use of a wide range of methods of affecting culture, society, economy, finance, history, human psyche and information. At the same time, they do not mean complete victory for any of the parties, given the fact that there is no guarantee of achieving all goals and interests in each of the mentioned dimensions. The most significant area of influence in hybrid warfare is information, which is a key tool for influencing people. Information manipulation and propaganda directly contribute to the destruction of human consciousness and the ability to think rationally.

PDF

Natalia Kowcz

Wschodnioznawstwo (Eastern Studies), Volume 18, 2024, pp. 409 - 425

https://doi.org/10.4467/20827695WSC.24.023.20638

History can divide or unite. Used in a skillful way, it can become an important element of foreign policy. The subject of the work is the aspect of historical policy in interstate relations on the example of Polish‑Ukrainian relations. These countries have been bound together for years by common history, borders and culture. The question, however, is whether these links unite them more or divide them. The aim of the issues discussed in the article is to reveal how you can work through the painful past and turn it into a lasting foundation for building mutual relationships. However, there are still issues that divide us more, on which we cannot reach an agreement, and this is a challenge for the next generations of Poles and Ukrainians to end these disputes and lead to complete reconciliation of both nations.

PDF

Cezary Dryzd

Wschodnioznawstwo (Eastern Studies), Volume 18, 2024, pp. 427 - 442

https://doi.org/10.4467/20827695WSC.24.024.20639

Since the 1979 revolution, the Islamic Republic of Iran has been implementing a plan to achieve the status of a regional power for this country. This process requires Iran to engage in Middle Eastern affairs and actively try to influence their course. The example of the Israeli‑Palestinian conflict shows how important the Palestinian issue is from the perspective of the region, and in particular from the perspective of states wishing to play a significant role in the formation of Middle Eastern policy. At first glance, Hamas’s attack on Israel may seem to be only a local crisis motivated by the Palestinians’ attempt to gain independence, but at the regional level it is part of a broad process of interpenetration of zones of influence and the struggle for dominance between states striving for regional hegemony. At the same time, the direct goal of this conflict is not military victory, but the implementation of assumptions in the information domain as a tool influencing the possibilities in the field of politics and security in the Middle East. From Iran’s perspective, these events are an ideal opportunity to consolidate the countries of the region that are opposed to Israel and, more broadly, seek to limit the influence of actors from outside the region on Middle Eastern affairs. This creates a situation in which, despite Iran’s lack of direct involvement in initiating the conflict, it can potentially benefit from the escalation of tensions in the Palestinian issue.

PDF

RECENZJE

One Hundred Years of Turkish Foreign Policy (1923‑2023). Historical and Theoretical Reflections, eds. Binnur Özkeçeci‑Taner, Sinem Akgül Açıkmeşe, Palgrave Macmillan, Cham 2023, ss. 254

Oskar Kotlarczyk

Wschodnioznawstwo (Eastern Studies), Volume 18, 2024, pp. 445 - 456

https://doi.org/10.4467/20827695WSC.24.025.20640

PDF

Zbigniew Kurcz

Wschodnioznawstwo (Eastern Studies), Volume 18, 2024, pp. 457 - 465

https://doi.org/10.4467/20827695WSC.24.026.20641

PDF

Zdzisław J. Winnicki

Wschodnioznawstwo (Eastern Studies), Volume 18, 2024, pp. 467 - 471

https://doi.org/10.4467/20827695WSC.24.027.20642

PDF

Wschodnioznawstwo (Eastern Studies), Volume 18, 2024, pp. 473 - 478

https://doi.org/10.4467/20827695WSC.24.028.20643

PDF

Wschodnioznawstwo

Volume 18

2024

Issue content

OD DEPORTACJI DO OKUPACJI. TATARZY KRYMSCY W WALCE O PODMIOTOWOŚĆ POLITYCZNĄ

MILITARNY I POZAMILITARNY WYMIAR WSCHODNIEJ POLITYKI BEZPIECZEŃSTWA PO AGRESJI ROSJI W 2014 R.

VARIA

RECENZJE

Files to download

Volume 18

2024 Next

Issue content

OD DEPORTACJI DO OKUPACJI. TATARZY KRYMSCY W WALCE O PODMIOTOWOŚĆ POLITYCZNĄ

MILITARNY I POZAMILITARNY WYMIAR WSCHODNIEJ POLITYKI BEZPIECZEŃSTWA PO AGRESJI ROSJI W 2014 R.

VARIA

RECENZJE

Files to download

2024