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Issue 2 (2024)

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Publication date: 02.12.2024

Description
The publication was supported by the Priority Research Area Society of the Future under the program “Excellence Initiative—Research University” at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow.

Cover and title pages design: Marek Kapturkiewicz

Licence: CC BY  licence icon

Editorial team

Secretary Marcin Krzemiński

Editor-in-Chief Piotr Tuleja

Issue content

Studia i artykuły

Jan Barcz

Przegląd Konstytucyjny, Issue 2 (2024), 2024, pp. 7-27

https://doi.org/10.4467/25442031PKO.24.007.20423
A revision of the treaties is not necessary at present to carry out the EU’s most urgent institutional reforms. Such reforms can be carried out on the basis of the socalled footbridge procedures. Also, institutional adjustments related to the planned enlargement of the Union do not require the conclusion of a revision treaty.
The constitutional law science in Poland is confronted with a number of challenges in connection with the reform of the European Union. Nevertheless, the most important of these challenges is to restore the rule of law in Poland as quickly as possible.
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Krzysztof Wójtowicz

Przegląd Konstytucyjny, Issue 2 (2024), 2024, pp. 29-49

https://doi.org/10.4467/25442031PKO.24.008.20424

Article 9 of the Polish Constitution establishes the obligation of respect by the Republic of Poland of international law binding upon it. This provision belongs to the fundamental principles of the Polish legal system. However, it cannot be excluded that the interpretation or application of an international agreement, to which Poland is a party, will be changed by other parties or organs of an international organisation without consent of Poland. It could cause the conflict with principles or paticular provisions of the constitution. The case law of the European Court of Human Rights and the Court of Justice of the EU, leads to the conclusion that for a certain period of time, state authorities of Poland, by legislation or interpretation, attributed to provisions of the Polish constitution the meaning incompatible with their understaning at the moment of the accession of Poland to an international agreement. The protection of the supremacy of the constitution “modified” this way is equivalent to the use of an unconstitutional interpretation in order to free government from obligation to respect international law binding upon Poland.

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Marcin Szwed

Przegląd Konstytucyjny, Issue 2 (2024), 2024, pp. 51-76

https://doi.org/10.4467/25442031PKO.24.009.20425

The article presents arguments in favor of defining the European Court of Human Rights as a “European constitutional court,” and from that angle analyzes its approach to the rule of law crisis in Poland. Although the ECtHR does not rule based on constitution nor has the competence for abstract control of the “conventionality” of normative acts, voices in the literature have long argued that calling it a “European constitutional court” is not unfounded. There are several arguments supporting this view. The Court often indirectly or directly analyzes the “conventionality” of national legislation when addressing specific cases. Moreover, even though the ECtHR does not have the power to annul laws, its rulings frequently lead to legislative changes in European countries. The Court’s function cannot be narrowed down to resolving individual cases before it; through its jurisprudence, it develops new standards and significantly affects national legal systems. However, the ECtHR’s role as a “European constitutional court” is limited by factors such as the substantive scope of the convention itself, the principle of subsidiarity, and the related doctrine of the margin of appreciation. In recent years, a significant challenge for the ECtHR as a “European constitutional court” has been the rule of law crisis in Poland. Given the actual paralysis of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal, the ECtHR had to resolve a number of important issues, especially attacks on judicial independence. Often, violations of the Convention concerning threats to judicial independence resulted from the Polish authorities violating norms derived from the Polish Constitution and undertaking actions in bad faith, which the Court itself recognized in its rulings. In this way, it contributed not only to the protection of freedoms and rights guaranteed in the Convention but also to the defense of the Polish Constitution.

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Aleksandra Kustra-Rogatka

Przegląd Konstytucyjny, Issue 2 (2024), 2024, pp. 77-115

https://doi.org/10.4467/25442031PKO.24.010.20426

This paper examines recent case law from the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) and the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) concerning the right to a fair trial, with a particular focus on cases arising from the Polish rule of law crisis that began in 2015. It begins by outlining the constitutional standard for the right to a fair trial as established by the Constitutional Tribunal of Poland, highlighting the key elements defined in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. The paper then explores whether recent rulings from the CJEU and ECtHR modify or clarify this constitutional standard. Subsequent sections analyze the latest case law from both European courts in the context of the Polish crisis. These sections also include an examination of significant precedent decisions from the CJEU and ECHR regarding the right to a fair trial, which have influenced the judgments related to the rule of law crisis in Poland. Notable cases discussed include the CJEU ruling in the Associação Sindical dos Juízes Portugueses case, as well as the ECHR judgments in the Ástráðsson and Eskelinen cases. The conclusion addresses how these judgments have impacted the constitutional standard for the right to a court, the differing approaches taken by the two tribunals regarding violations of the right to a fair trial in Poland, and the potential of their case law to help restore the rule of law in the country.

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Anna Rytel-Warzocha

Przegląd Konstytucyjny, Issue 2 (2024), 2024, pp. 117-129

https://doi.org/10.4467/25442031PKO.24.011.20427
The subject of the article is the problem of the application of participatory democracy in the mutual relations between Poland as a Member State and the European Union. The author points out that the instruments of participatory democracy are not homogeneous in nature, and that, depending on the legal and institutional context adopted, they may take various forms, ranging from apparent to real participation of citizens in the decision-making process. Whether a given mechanism is merely a façade or actually allows for co-determination depends on a number of factors, including both the specific legal arrangements concerning, inter alia, the way in which citizens’ will is enforced vis-à-vis state bodies, as well as the cultural and political contexts of a given environment. Undoubtedly, the personality traits of the decision-makers responsible for their implementation also have a significant impact on the way in which these mechanisms are used. The aim of this article is to determine whether the participatory instruments currently in place at the EU level do in fact give EU citizens a real direct influence on the shaping of EU policy, as well as to determine whether participatory democracy mechanisms at the national level (using Poland as an example) can influence the shaping of national policy towards the EU, and if so, to what extent, if at all. The author concludes that the question posed in the title should be answered in the affirmative. However, it is necessary to critically assess the nature of individual participatory mechanisms in terms of their degree of effectiveness. Both the solutions for implementing Art. 11 of the EU Treaty and the national solutions in Poland are currently inadequate. First and foremost, innovative tools of deliberative democracy should be more widely used, as participation without deliberation and without real redistribution of power can easily become an empty and frustrating process, allowing those in power to maintain the appearance of involving citizens in important decision-making processes. Innovative deliberative tools such as citizens’ panels should become a permanent feature of political practice at both national and European level.
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Glosy i omówienia orzeczeń

Krystian Nowak

Przegląd Konstytucyjny, Issue 2 (2024), 2024, pp. 131-139

https://doi.org/10.4467/25442031PKO.24.012.20428
The subject of the gloss is the decision of the Constitutional Court of 26 October 2021, U 3/19, on the discontinuation of proceedings relating to the determination of cash equivalents for unused vacation or additional leave and equivalents for unused time off duty by Border Guard officers. The Tribunal held that the regulation was formally repealed and, consequently, the normative content challenged by the applicant was also effectively removed from the legal order. The author disputes this position and points out that one of the challenged provisions has not lost its binding force and, therefore, its constitutionality should be subjected to substantive review.
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Jan Wagner

Przegląd Konstytucyjny, Issue 2 (2024), 2024, pp. 141-157

https://doi.org/10.4467/25442031PKO.24.013.20429

The translated judgment of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) was issued in a case in which the applicants alleged a violation of Article 6 of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms due to the lack of independence and impartiality of the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS). CAS is the most important body resolving disputes in the world of sports. It proves the ECtHR’s favourable attitude towards the institution of arbitration. The Strasbourg Court recognized CAS as an independent and impartial court established by law within the meaning of Article 6 section 1 of the Convention and emphasized the benefits for the parties and the entire justice system resulting from the existence of the arbitration dispute resolution procedure. It had a huge impact on the way in which fundamental issues of sports law were adjudicated, such as sanctions against athletes using doping or the admissibility of imposing sanctions on athletes for the actions of state authorities. The attitude of the ECtHR contrasts with the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union, which established a number of conditions that must be satisfied by the judicial authority. They are difficult to be satisfied by most of arbitration bodies, which significantly hinders the development of arbitration in the European Union.

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Mikołaj Wolanin

Przegląd Konstytucyjny, Issue 2 (2024), 2024, pp. 159-171

https://doi.org/10.4467/25442031PKO.24.014.20430

The author has analysed and translated the judgment of the European Court of Human Rights of 11 July 2022 in the case of Kavala v. Turkey, application no. 28749/18, made on under the infringement procedure. In this judgment, the Court pointed out a number of previously unarticulated theses on: the enforcement of its judgments, the infringement procedure, the relationship between the Committee of Ministers and the Court, as well as the role of conducting the infringement procedure itself when the Committee of Ministers considers that a State Party to the Convention is refusing to comply with its obligation to respect an issued judgment. The ruling may therefore have significance for a number of cases, including Polish ones, in which states do not comply with the execution of ECHR verdicts.

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Funding information

The publication was supported by the Priority Research Area Society of the Future under the program “Excellence Initiative—Research University” at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow.