The thesis that the Khirbet Qumran community was a branch of the larger Essene movement has dominated scholarship since the discovery of the first Dead Sea Scrolls. The number of books and articles challenging the theory that the Scrolls found in the caves belonged to a sectarian community that lived at Khirbet Qumran – and that these sectarians should be identified as Essenes – indicates that we are far from a consensus concerning the history of the Qumran history. What has largely been neglected in this debate is Flavius Josephus, who alone among the extant Second Temple Period authors claims to have been an Essene.
This article examines the importance of Josephus as an eyewitness to Essene beliefs and practices in the first century C.E. It suggests that his descriptions of the Essene admission procedure matches the latest version of the Serek ha-Yahad, which documents changes in the practices and beliefs of this sect during the first century C.E. The study seeks to show that the Serk belonged to a sectarian library that is archaeologically connected with Khirbet Qumran and that this library was more widely dispersed among the caves than previously recognized. The article builds on this evidence to propose that we can connect the Serek and Josephus to Khirbet Qumran, and that this text was used as a sort of archaeological blueprint for this settlement. The evidence examined in this article reveals that Josephus is our only extant witness to life at Khirbet Qumran during its later occupational phase (Periods II–III, ca. 4 B.C.E.–73/4 C.E.).

A previous paper on the titulus Tiburtinus re-opened the debate concerning the notorious ignotus, then generally thought to be P. Sulpicius Quirinius (cos. 12 BC), suggesting instead that he might be identified with C. Sentius Saturninus (cos. 19 BC). This suggestion was subsequently challenged in favour of L. Calpurnius Piso (cos. 15 BC), who had originally been argued by Sir Ronald Syme. Since the identification of the consular concerned is significant for Augustan prosopography and for the history of Asia, among other provinces such as Syria and Germany, a detailed and wide-ranging restatement of the case for Saturninus is made here. Piso (unlike Quirinius) is really a non-starter, and it is surprising that he would have been supported by formidable Syme. The rex of the titulus could not have been Rhescuporis I or Rhoemetalces I. The iterum would not have referred to the second legateship of Piso (presumably that of Syria) given Piso’s early career. The binas, referring to two public thanksgivings, does not inspire confidence in Piso receiving a second supplicatio. Piso the Pontifex is not attested as proconsul of Asia, nor is he attested as governor of Syria, and the reconstruction of the fasti of this province is much more reasonable than previously thought. By contrast, all points in Saturninus career can be successfully compared with the information in the titulus. Origins of the Sentii from an area near Tibur is a bonus, if dispensable. Saturninus could not have been proconsul of Africa at the time inferred from Tertullian (29 BC), and hence Asia is open for him in c. 14/13 BC. His office in Syria (c. 12–8 BC) is well-attested, as it is that in Germany (c. AD 3–6). He was awarded ornamenta triumphalia in the company of Tiberius, after ‘two’ victories and no doubt supplicationes binas. Finally, a flexible understanding of the word iterum can accommodate also the meanings ‘for another time’ and ‘twice’, either of which can work with the career of Saturninus. As for deprived Quirinius, among various problems, no two thanksgivings can be conceived for a war such as that of the Homonadenses, and, most condemningly, a reference to his important office under Gaius will never have been omitted in the titulus.

One of the activities of the Inquisition most visible to ordinary people was called the auto-da-fé – a public confession of faith. Such ceremonies, held by the Inquisition Tribunal, were composed of several parts. One of the most significant parts of the ceremony was the sermon. Many of these sermons seemingly focused on Jewish issues, even if only a few of the condemned were accused of converting to Judaism. To whom, and for what purpose, were the sermons addressed? What were their character, role, and impact on society? Can we interpret them as a typical example of anti-Jewish literature, and a specific “invitation to intolerance”? This article aims to outline the subject matter of the sermons delivered during the auto-da-fé ceremony in Portugal, particularly their anti-Jewish aspect. Reference is made to texts of ten sermons made during autos-da-fé held in the three biggest centers of 17th-century Inquisition activity in Portugal (Lisbon, Coimbra and Évora), as well as the colony of Goa.
 

The present article reviews the historical background that had generated the devastation of the Jewish community in the Ukraine in the second half of the 17th century and the rising of Sabbatianism in this period that was followed by the emergence of Hasidism in the second third of the 18th century. The literary evidence, dating from 1650 onward until the end of the 18th century, reveals that the Jewish writers were concerned with the documentation of the tragic devastation that followed the Chmielnizki revolt as well as expressing profound hopes for divine vengeance and a profound hope for messianic redemption.
The discussion is focused on two spiritual responses to the tragic circumstances: Sabbatianism and Hasidism, describing the uniqueness of each one of the two major mystical-messianic-charismatic movements in the Jewish community of the modern era. The discussion includes an analysis of the inner social reality of the Jewish community, where leaders were often chosen among the members of the wealthiest families. The economical-intellectual alliance created a situation where an alternative charismatic leadership was chosen by many members of the Jewish community, who were disappointed with the rabbinic leadership and its social responsibility.
The article presents also the 12 principles of the Hasidic thought and describes the unique circumstances that affected the activity of the Baal Shem Tov in relation to the thirty five blood libels that were recorded in his life time in the Polish-Lithuanian commonwealth.

This article analyses the social structure and composition of Hasidic groups at the level of the community, i.e. the elementary social unit of the Hasidic movement. As it demonstrates, the emergence of such groups usually followed the pattern of several stages, beginning with splintering individuals escaping from the control of the kahal, followed by the establishment of a Hasidic prayer hall, known as a shtibl, by far the most important institution of Hasidism outside of the Hasidic court. The two most typical compositions of the Hasidic group centered around the shtibl were peer groups, usually dominated by young men, and interest groups. Most importantly, women were consistently excluded from any participation in the Hasidic group and its activities.
 

The article is focused on the involvement of Kraków’s lodge B’nei B’rith (Solidarity) in local Jewish musical life in the interwar period. On the basis of information contained in documents preserved in State Archive in Kraków we may conclude that the activity of the most outstanding Jewish musical institutions would not have been possible without financial support of Solidarity. However, it seems to be the expectation of the lodge that all musicians and groups supported by B’nei B’rith had to derive from the environment of the progressive Jews and were also involved in the promotion of the new ‘Hebrew music’. There are no doubts that both of these features of the lodge Solidarity’s activity had a profound influence on the shape of Jewish musical life in the interwar Kraków.