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2017 Następne

Data publikacji: 2017

Licencja: CC BY ikona licencji

Redakcja

Redaktor naczelny Jan Skórzyński

Zawartość numeru

Marek Kunicki-Goldfing

Wolność i Solidarność, nr 10, 2017, s. 6 - 28

https://doi.org/10.4467/25434942WS.17.001.13114

The Origins of the Flying University and the Society of Scientific Courses

Since the beginning of 1977 groups of students begun to participate in courses organized outside the official educational institutions. This was due to the censorship of official university curricula in humanities and social sciences, especially in literature, history, philosophy, sociology and economy. At the beginning the unofficial courses were organized within the network of academic ministry. The Flying University started its operation in the spring of 1977 in Krakow and in the autumn that year in Warsaw by organizing public lectures and seminars in private apartments. On January 22nd 1978 several outstanding Polish scientists signed The Founding Declaration of the Society of Scientific Courses. The main goals of the initiative – which remained unrecognized by authorities – was not only to organize and patronize independent teaching, but also to grant scholarships and to publish books in samizdat. The activities of the Society were backed by the Catholic Church, but the communist authorities tried to suppress them. The author of the paper describes the circumstances in which both the Flying University and the Society of Scientific Courses were organized.
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KULTURA NIEZALEŻNA 1976 – 1989. STUDIA I MATERIAŁY

Andrzej Kaczyński

Wolność i Solidarność, nr 10, 2017, s. 29 - 49

https://doi.org/10.4467/25434942WS.17.002.13115

Kazimierz Koźniewski on the trail of "Zapis"

The communist authorities tried to destroy "Zapis", independent literary magazine issued without censorship in "samidat" since January 1977, in various ways. Police methods: surveillance, revisions, seizures. Administrative harassment: publication ban, deprivation of work or a passport for editorial team. And propaganda action: mockery and defamation. Kazimierz Koźniewski, writer, communist activist and agent of the Ministry of Interior (consultant "33"), in action against "Zapis" was active in all three fields. His denunciations published here show the variety of services provided by him to secret police (SB). He wrote reviews, in which he gave to the ideas of propaganda against "Zapis". He gave tactical advice. He recounted the author's meeting. Reported on conversations with "Zapis". It was not effective; to December 1981 21 issues of independent literary magazines were published in the underground.

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Mirosław Chojecki

Wolność i Solidarność, nr 10, 2017, s. 50 - 61

https://doi.org/10.4467/25434942WS.17.003.13116

NOWa Publishing House during the "Solidarity carnival" period in 1980-1981

NOWA was an independent and underground publishing house founded by the democratic opposition in the 1970s. The following article is a presentation of Mirosław Chojecki memories. This chemist, employed at the Institute for Nuclear Research, was also a co-worker of the Workers' Defense Committee and one of the most active member of the NOWa publishing house. Article refers especially to the history of his activity during the “Solidarity carnival” period in 1980-1981.

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Paweł Sowiński

Wolność i Solidarność, nr 10, 2017, s. 62 - 81

https://doi.org/10.4467/25434942WS.17.004.13117

NOW-a Publishers versus Polish Secret Service, 1982–1989

This article contributes to the history of the biggest Polish underground publishing project during the communist period. Sowinski argues that NOW-a publishers, though attacked by the police, was not destroyed. One of the main reason for this was the resilience of the grassroot activists energised by external support from Polish émigré circles in the West. Author also seeks causes of NOW-a success as underground book producer in the strategy of limited police harassment of the late stage of communist dictatorship. After martial law had been lifted in 1983 the Polish authority avoided to take major operations against opposition, i.e. massive crackdowns and imprisonments. Instead, the regime developed more subtle methods of policing the illicit book circulation. However, what constantly hampered the police effort to penetrate the NOW-a network was a lack of solid intelligence. The article offers a deep insight into the police investigation, agents reports as well as provides with fresh statistic on independent publishing and the police counterattacks.
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Jan Olaszek

Wolność i Solidarność, nr 10, 2017, s. 82 - 116

https://doi.org/10.4467/25434942WS.17.005.13118
The Culture without Lies. Essay about Independent Culture Committe
 
The article refer the history of the Independent Culture Committee – an underground structure operating in the communist Poland in 1983-1989. The author describes the origin of the committee, presents his most important activists and main activities: organizing financial support for creators and initiatives related to independent culture (for example, publishers, writers, poets, artists, filmmakers, musicians), awarding the „Solidarity” Cultural Awards, publishing underground magazines „Kultura Niezależna” (“Independent Culture”) and „Gazeta Niecodzienna” (“Non-daily Newspaper”) and an essay series „Próby” (“Trials”), cyclical evaluation of the condition of Polish culture and formulation of forecasts for the future. The article analyses problems related to the restrictions on the boycott of official cultural institutions, relations of the Independent Culture Committee with the Solidarity authorities and influences on the independent culture of its political commitment and its links with the Catholic Church.
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Jacky Challot

Wolność i Solidarność, nr 10, 2017, s. 117 - 134

https://doi.org/10.4467/25434942WS.17.006.13119
Fund for the Continuity of Polish Independent Litterature and Humanities – the Reaction of Polish Emigration to the Martial Law
 
This article presents the activity of the Fund for the Continuity of Polish Independent Litterature and Humanities, one of the reactions of the Polish intellectual emigration to the state of war triggered in Poland on December 13, 1981. Created in the Parisian circles of the magazine Kultura, the Fund brings together great personalities, such as: Józef Czapski, Jerzy Giedroyc, Konstanty Jeleński, Gustaw Herling-Grudzinski, Czesław Miłosz. The nature of these activities and the renown of its animators places it in a more global and older strategy, initiated during the Cold War and aimed at the “de-Sovietization” of the minds in Western intellectual circles. This work is carried out on the basis of unpublished archives, retracing the two main axes of the activity of the Fund: editorial action and allocation of grants for representatives of the independent Polish culture. The Fund invested about five million French francs between 1982 and 1990 to co-finance the edition of 56 books and to award numerous grants for Polish creators for stays in the West. Its activity, spread over the decades 80 and 90, can be seen as a final touch in a broader strategy that contributed to the collapse of European communism.
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Zofia Leszczyńska

Wolność i Solidarność, nr 10, 2017, s. 135 - 154

https://doi.org/10.4467/25434942WS.17.007.13120
1989 election posters: facts and legends
 
This article discusses political posters from 1989 parliamentary elections in Poland, used by Solidarity and Polish United Workers’ Party. Although election campaings are widely and thoroughly analysed, posters are rarely a subject to research, with a few exceptions of Polish historians and political scientists. There are two purposes of present analysis: the first is one is to introduce methods such as semiotic, visual culture and narrative semiotic to reveal the structures of meaning and ideologies conveyed by the posters. The second is to reconstruct and interpret various legends that arose around posters from 1989 elections and the symbolic function of the West in Solidarity’s victory.
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STUDIA

Anthony Kemp-Welch

Wolność i Solidarność, nr 10, 2017, s. 155 - 223

https://doi.org/10.4467/25434942WS.17.008.13121
After the Sovietled invasion of Czechoslovakia in August 1968, Moscow began to advance the notion of “limited sovereignty”, soon dubbed by Washington the “Brezhnev Doctrine”. The Doctrine was next debated during the period of Solidarity (1980-81) when Soviet leaders considered the pros and cons of a military invasion. After sixteen months of hesitation, the domestic “martial law” alternative was chosen instead. In the late eighties, Gorbachev advised his Eastern European counterparts that violence was no longer an option and that they should therefore reach peaceful accommodations with their own societies. Jaruzelski was the first to do so.
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ŚWIADECTWA

Jan Skórzyński

Wolność i Solidarność, nr 10, 2017, s. 223 - 234

https://doi.org/10.4467/25434942WS.17.009.13122
Catholic in Communist Poland
 
Tadeusz Mazowiecki was one of the leading Catholic activists and politicians of Solidarity movement. In 1989 he became the first democratic Prime Minister in post-communist Poland. In an unpublished interview from 1984 he speaks about the attitudes of Catholics regarding the communist system, a Polish variant of personal-ism, a dialogue between the Catholic and leftist circles, the values of the Solidarity movement.
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Jan Lityński

Wolność i Solidarność, nr 10, 2017, s. 235 - 248

https://doi.org/10.4467/25434942WS.17.010.13123
Wałbrzych Memories
 
The legendary opposionist from the generation of ‘68 recalls his travels to mining city of Wałbrzych in Lower Silesia region and of Solidarity activists met there. Lityński give first hand story of the birth of the opposition in the small hick town. From close up he describes coming into existence of the small circle of protesters, establishing independent trade union in 1980 any first lessons of democracy in the union elections.
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INTERPRETACJE

Paweł Kuczyński

Wolność i Solidarność, nr 10, 2017, s. 249 - 255

https://doi.org/10.4467/25434942WS.17.011.13124
Solidarity as a beautiful memorabilia
 
I have written this reflection as both, a social movement researcher and a Polish citizen at the same time. The text is the analysis of the uses and abuses made not only by politicians who have interpreted Polish history of the eighties, but also, by the leading trade union who defines itself as the only successor of Solidarity, while in fact, Solidarity in the eighties was not only a trade union. It was a total, three-dimensional social movement encompassing citizens, workers and independence. Thanks to this unique synthesis, there took place a great breakthrough which covered not only Poland but also the whole soviet camp.
Growing amnesia forces us to put the question: who, in todays’ reality, needs a real memory of Solidarity’s input to Polish history? Answering this question it is worth to exclude political parties and their allies fighting for power. It is fascinating to observe how contemporary Polish society is changing and what are the scopes of discussion among the new political actors emerging every year. Naturally, the focus is more on the future than on the past. The heritage of Solidarity wanes gradually but still remains alive among some of social milieu composed of three different groups: the biggest one is old Solidarity militants looking behind with melancholy and bitterness, the second are young leaders of new social movements who are conscious of the historical role of Solidarity as a social movement as well as the differences between the old and new times. Last but not least we should remember about the new generation of scientists who are focused on Solidarity phenomenon. Most of them are historians rather than sociologists.
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EX LIBRIS

Andrzej Friszke

Wolność i Solidarność, nr 10, 2017, s. 256 - 258

Jerzy Kochanowski, Rewolucja międzypaździernikowa. Polska 1956–1957,
Znak, Kraków 2017, ss. 478
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Adam Leszczyński

Wolność i Solidarność, nr 10, 2017, s. 259 - 264

Duplicator Underground. The Independent Publishing Industry in Communist Poland, 1976–1989, eds. Gwido Zlatkes, Paweł Sowiński, Ann M. Frenkel, Slavica, Bloomington 2016, ss. 511
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Jan Skórzyński

Wolność i Solidarność, nr 10, 2017, s. 265 - 271

Tomasz Kozłowski, Anatomia rewolucji. Narodziny ruchu społecznego „Solidarność” w 1980 r., Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Warszawa 2017, ss. 469
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Słowa kluczowe: freedom of scientific research and teaching; censorship free science; independent institutions; civic society; free uni, denunciation, censorship, surveillance, propaganda, independent literature, the second circuit publishing, "NOWa"; "kontakt"; censorship, freedom of print; "Solidarity", Poland, communism, social movement, underground publishing, secret agents, Independent Culture Committee, independent culture, undergroud Solidarity, independent publishing movement, oppisition in Polish People’s Republic, Fund for the Continuity of Polish Independent Litterature and Humanities, Jeleński Konstatnty, Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF Berlin 1950), the Parisian magazine Kultua; Giedroyc Jerzy; „Preuves”; Lasky Melvin; „Der Monat”; Bondy François; Martial law, Cold War, Puls; Aneks; Libella; Ford Foundation; FEIE, Election posters, Solidarity, Polish United Workers’ Party, semiotics, visual culture, narrative analysis, 1989, Brezhnev doctrine, limited sovereingty, Cold War, Soviet invasion, Solidarity, Polish crisis, perestroika, Round Table, catholic church, socialism, personalism, the left, August 1980, Solidarity, Solidarność, oposition, trade union, strike, elections, Solidarity, social movement, heritage, leaders, trade union