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Progressive Movement Parties: A Product of the Crisis or Response to the Crisis?

Publication date: 15.11.2024

Teoria Polityki, 2024, Nr 10/Special Issue, pp. 59-79

https://doi.org/10.4467/25440845TP.24.003.20595

Authors

Dominika Mikucka-Wójtowicz
University of Warsaw, Poland
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7192-5524 Orcid
All publications →

Titles

Progressive Movement Parties: A Product of the Crisis or Response to the Crisis?

Abstract

Following the post-2008 crisis period, many new progressive left movements emerged in the countries of Southern and Southeastern Europe (such as Podemos in Spain, Syriza in Greece, Levica in Slovenia, and the Možemo! platform in Croatia). They were formed as a result of discontent with the political elites of the old left at both local and central level, who were not able to block the neo-liberal reforms of governing parties, or sometimes even advocated these reforms. These groupings mostly began as urban or social movements calling for more redistribution and more representative democracy. Later, however, many of them tried to become parliamentary parties as they grew aware of the difficulty of achieving their goals while operating exclusively outside political institutions. It is important to stress that their entry into the electoral arena often brought stark changes to the previous patterns of party competition. Some scholars see these new progressive movement parties as the nucleus of new democratic ideas, because of their promotion of a new way of doing politics.
New movement parties are a kind of hybrid party type. Therefore, the main aim of the paper is to analyse their origins and innovations in terms of organisational structure, as well as to shed light on their innovative policy practices. On the one hand, new movement parties extensively use various bottom-up tools and democratic digital innovations (DDIs) to involve members and try to maintain strategic practices of social movements in the arena of party competition. On the other, they often suffer from an unexpectedly high level of organisational centralisation and personalisation, as well as a tendency for their leadership to employ plebiscite practices.

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Information

Information: Teoria Polityki, 2024, Nr 10/Special Issue, pp. 59-79

Article type: Original article

Authors

https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7192-5524

Dominika Mikucka-Wójtowicz
University of Warsaw, Poland
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7192-5524 Orcid
All publications →

University of Warsaw, Poland

Published at: 15.11.2024

Article status: Open

Licence: CC BY  licence icon

Percentage share of authors:

Dominika Mikucka-Wójtowicz (Author) - 100%

Information about author:

Dominika Mikucka-Wójtowicz – Assistant Professor at the Faculty of Political Science and International Studies of the University of Warsaw. She holds a double MSc degree from the Jagiellonian University (Slavonic Philology and Political Science). Her research interests focus on the processes of democratization and Europeanization in post-Yugoslav states, especially in Serbia and Croatia, as well as the operation of their party and electoral systems. E-mail: d.mikucka-wojt@uw.edu.pl.

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