Passivisation of Polish Object Experiencer Verbs vs. the Unaccusativity Hypothesis (Part 2)
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RIS BIB ENDNOTEPassivisation of Polish Object Experiencer Verbs vs. the Unaccusativity Hypothesis (Part 2)
Publication date: 31.10.2017
Studies in Polish Linguistics, Volume 12 (2017), Vol. 12, Issue 3, pp. 123 - 144
https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920SPL.17.006.7199Authors
Passivisation of Polish Object Experiencer Verbs vs. the Unaccusativity Hypothesis (Part 2)
The current paper is an attempt to provide a syntactic account of the immunity of Polish stative Object Experiencer (OE) verbs to verbal passivisation. In search for the syntactic structure of stative OE verbs, and the hierarchy of their arguments, it is demonstrated here that the evidence based on Condition A, pronominal variable binding, and Condition C effects is inconclusive, and hence does not allow us to determine which of the two arguments – the Experiencer or the Target/Subject Matter (T/SM) – is projected higher in the structure. It is then suggested that the answer to the question why stative OE verbs do not form verbal passives crucially relies on their having a complex ergative structure as in Bennis (2004), where both arguments are internal, while the external argument is missing altogether. At the same time, it is assumed after Landau (2010) that the Experiencer is projected higher than the T/SM.
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Information: Studies in Polish Linguistics, Volume 12 (2017), Vol. 12, Issue 3, pp. 123 - 144
Article type: Original article
Titles:
Passivisation of Polish Object Experiencer Verbs vs. the Unaccusativity Hypothesis (Part 2)
The John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin, Al. Racławickie 14, 20-950 Lublin, Poland
Institute of English Studies,University of Wrocław, Kuźnicza 22, 50-138 Wrocław, Poland
University of Wrocław, plac Uniwersytecki 1, 50-137 Wrocław, Poland
Published at: 31.10.2017
Article status: Open
Licence: CC BY-NC-ND
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