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Issue 20 (2016)

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Publication date: 2016

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Bożena Czwojdrak

Medieval Studies, Issue 20 (2016), 2016, pp. 17-28

The ladies’ court of the queen in late medieval Poland was less numerous and as such less important than the king’s court. I t differed from the latter also in the existence of the so-called fraucymer, that is the courtly entourage of women who supported the queen in her official duties and private life, cared for her good mood and comfort, provided her entertainment as well as advice and guidance on cosmetics, robes and jewelry when needed. The term is derived from the German word, but it is not known whether it was used also in Poland in the fifteenth century. Surely, some of the women were personally chosen by the queen, being her friends, companions, confidantes and advisors in difficult decisions. The household of the court included maid servants, i.e. ladies-in-waiting, matrons — highly respected married women or widows with established social standing, and female servants supervised by a housekeeper.

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Tomasz Jurek

Medieval Studies, Issue 20 (2016), 2016, pp. 26-39

A description of the parish village of Tłokinia near Kalisz in a register of endowments of Gniezno archdiocese (1521) includes a reference to the settlement called “Szremino” belonging to the parish priest, which was confirmed by a document issued by Duke Przemysł II . Such a document is not known today, but it is mentioned in a constistory register from the fifteenth century on the occasion of lawsuits between parish priests and their noble neighbors. Undoubtedly, the lost document of Przemysł concerned the grant of the village to the parish church at Tłokinia. The issue of the charter could be associated with the duke’s visit to Tłokinia, evidenced in a preserved document of 1 A ugust 1284. Historical material I have collected makes it possible to reconstruct the fate of a lost settlement, probably called Szaromin (Żaromin?). The article is an example of how it is possible to obtain reliable information about lost medieval charters from the early modern registers.

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Wojciech Kozłowski

Medieval Studies, Issue 20 (2016), 2016, pp. 41-58

This study addresses the issue of the 1320 A ngevin-Piast marriage contract between Charles I of Hungary and Elisabeth, a daughter of King W ładysław Łokietek of Poland. I n time this marriage emerged to be the fundament of the A ngevin-Piast alliance, which over decades transformed into a succession project. Louis the Great of Hungary’s ascension to the Polish throne in 1370 and the materialization of the Hungarian-Polish monarchy was a watershed in medieval C entral E uropean constellations, and it retrospectively made the 1320 marriage acquire special significance. Seeking the origins of the marriage, the primary source accounts are collected and interpreted. Subsequently, the contexts of C harles I and Łokietek’s political actions in the early fourteenth century are briefly summarized. This is followed by a reconsidered exposition of the dynastic and political motivations and objectives that may have inspired the marriage. C ontrary to conventional explanations available in the Polish scholarship (emphasizing the role of the Europe-wide rivalry between the Habsburgs and W ittelsbachs in stimulating political behaviors on the regional level to balance the power of the competing political blocks), the study argues that the marriage is sufficiently explained within the framework of dynastic logic, which expected of lords (kings, dukes and other members of the elites) to produce legitimate offspring and provide it with adequate lordships.

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Martin Nodl

Medieval Studies, Issue 20 (2016), 2016, pp. 59-84

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Piotr Oliński

Medieval Studies, Issue 20 (2016), 2016, pp. 85-95

Peter of Duisburg (Dusburg) used stylistic means characteristic of literary language. They included also metaphors and comparisons. An often mentioned figure in Duisburg’s chronicle is Duke Świętopełk, who is presented as an evil ruler hostile to Christianity. His conduct is compared to the behavior of two animals — the fox and the lion. He was attributed such character traits as cunning, deceit, falsehood and vileness, which are defining features of the fox. The position of the lion in the Middle A ges was special. I t was often used in comparisons carrying predominantly positive meanings, but also some negative as well. In Duisburg’s chronicle, too, the lion is used to describe both positive and negative personal traits. In reference to the duke and his son Mściwoj comparisons to the lion drew by Peter of D uisburg were of negative character. I n these fragments the lion symbolizes the devil; here Peter of Duisburg drew on the comparison found in the First Epistle of St Paul.

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Bohdana Petryszak

Medieval Studies, Issue 20 (2016), 2016, pp. 97-118

A process of town foundation and the formation of the municipal self-government makes the first and most important step in the shaping of the city organism, this “living tissue” made up of people exercising power and those subjected to them, the rulers and the ruled. The knowledge of this process, occasionally very long, makes it possible to verify numerous questions about the formation of the power elite in the city. 
Within the system of municipal self-government — the C ity C ouncil and the Bench – a group of people stood out as those who occupied the dominant positions and exercised the authority entrusted to these entities. They participated in court sittings, legalized property transactions, registered last wills etc. This group could be termed as the “power elite” — the term which is not fully clarified in the literature on the subject. I n Lvov the power elite included city councilors, hereditary wójts (community heads), and jurors, who in the second half of the fourteenth century exercised power in the city. First references to the wójt and councilors date to 1350 and they prove the existence of fully crystallized municipal self-government in the city under German law prior to the renewed foundation of the city by King C asimir the Great in 1356. The whole group comprised of 43 persons, with a majority of German origin; but also with some people from Silesia, Toruń, C racow, and in later years from the C rown Ruthenia. A s regards their profession, usually they were merchants, sometimes very rich, trading with townsmen in C racow, W rocław,
Toruń. O ccasionally, there are some references to craftsmen designated as bench jurors. Thus, the social advancement meant to be appointed municipal juror, and then councilor, although the mobility of this group was quite significant. The post of hereditary wójt, which was taken over by the municipal authorities in 1378, lost its prestige. Gradually, before the early fifteenth century, a group of people emerged which entered the rank of city’s patriciate and could be defined as its power elite.
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Barbara Popielas-Szultka

Medieval Studies, Issue 20 (2016), 2016, pp. 119-1467

Patrocinia, that is patron saints of churches, chapels, altars, altaria, religious fraternities, monuments of religious art (architecture and painting), occasionally liturgical objects as well as toponymic and nomistic are interesting research subject to trace various topics from the past of the C hurch and society in general. The purpose of he present article is to see the development of the cult of Saints Peter and Paul in the bishopric of Kamień (Cammin) from the mid-twelfth century to the R eformation. A territorial scope of the study is determined by the changing boundaries of the bishopric. To follow thendevelopment of this cult in Pomerania it is necessary to determine changing boundaries and territories of C ammin bishopric. The topic has been researched for a long time. Studies by G. Müller, H. Heyden, K. Ś laski, J . W alicki, and B. Kumor still hold true. The most recent, which besides the N eumark researched by E . R ymar includes also the information relevant to our subject, is a study by M. O koń of 1987 based on a huge literature search. A valuable part of the study form maps presenting the changes in the boundaries of the bishopric from 1410 to the R eformation.
A characteristic of analyzed patrocinia includes their occurrences in: A nklam (Tąglim), A ltentreptow, Tollense (Trzebiatów on the Dołęża), at Benz (Benice) on the I sland of Uznam (Usedom), Białoboki, Białogard on the Parsęta, at Bobbin and Garz (Gardziec) on the I sland of R ügen, at Greifswald, Kagenort in the archdeaconry of Stolp, at Kluczewo near Pyrzyce, Kołobrzeg, Koszalin, Laski near Kamień, at Łąck, Pasewalk (Poździwołek), Police, Pyrzyce, Słupsk, Stralsund (Strzałów), in Szczecin, at W olgast (Wołogoszcz), on the Island of Uznam (Usedom) and in N eumark (the N ew March). In consequences, the cult of St Peter in the C ammin bishopric was evidenced in fifteen centers. For the thirteenth century it was six centers. The spread of the cult of St Peter the Prince of the A postles in Neumark is evidenced for seven sacred sites within the boundaries of the C ammin bishopric in the last quarter of the fourteenth and in the fifteenth century. St Paul was venerated in the thirteenth century and the high medieval period only in two places: on the I sland of Uznam (Usedom) and at Bobbin on the R ügen, while two saints together were patron saints of seven sites.
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Edward Rymar

Medieval Studies, Issue 20 (2016), 2016, pp. 147-170

In 2004, on the occasion of Poland’s accession to the European Union in J anuary of that year an idea emerged to recall a great European voyage of D uke Bogusław X the Great made in 1496–1498. W ith this travel — first to the royal court in Germany, then a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, next, to the A postolic See and again to the court of Holy Roman E mperor Maximilian I , and to the courts of German prince-electors — great as regards both its time (485 days) and geographical extent (it spanned the two continents: E urope and Asia, and the territory of eight modern states: Germany, A ustria, Italy, C roatia, A lbania, Greece, C yprus, Lebanon and I srael), he overshadowed all the previous ones. His travel was also great in terms of numerous contacts he established with important personages of his times and effects it brought about. The trip was described in a book A Great Journey of the Great Duke (Wielka podróż wielkiego księcia, Szczecin, 2004). I t is possible to learn about this trip thanks to many contemporary sources that emerged in the course of the voyage in Pomerania, Germany and I taly. The time pressure I felt when writing the book — and the topic was new to me — had some negative impact on it. Soon after its publication in A pril, the book was followed by a separate supplement (1). Then a supplement 2: Little Known Venetian Letter of Bogusław X to His Mecklenburg Brother-in-Law of 1497 (‘Mało znany wenecki list Bogusława X do meklemburskiego szwagra w 1497’, Przegląd Zachodniopomorski 2004, no. 4: 203–210). A nd now, a supplement 3 presents various additional materials gathered due to the increasing literature on the subject and discoveries of new
sources which throw additional light on the circumstances of taking the trip and its course: the duke’s stay at the A postolic See or the German royal court in I nnsbruck. The supplement 3 includes, i.a., some sources on the efforts of the Hohenzollern diplomacy in A pril 1497 and March 1498 during two stays of the duke at the German royal court, seeking to counteract possible concessions of E mperor Maximilian I to D uke Bogusław that could limit or abolish both Maximilian’s feudal domination over the duke and a succession of the Brandenburg electors in the duchy of Pomerania after the introduction of Bogusław to the circle of German princes.
An example of the interesting supplementary information is special attention paid to D uke Bolesław’s efforts to undertake a matter of peasant escapes from the region of Słupsk to the lands belonging to the city of Gdańsk when he was travelling through I taly in J anuary 1498. I n 1497, probably in Venice, a literary composition was published entitled Historia della battaglia data da Turchi connove vele contra la gallea de Pelegrini de l’ano presente describing Bolesław’s deeds and heroic death of his friend Krzysztof of Ś widwin rescuing him. The print was recently discovered in the Biblioteca Trivulziana in Milan and its edition in Polish is being prepared. “Together with German, Hungarian, Polish and Bohemian students — we read in the account of the trip — the president of the university met him [Duke Bogusław] near Bologna”, and welcomed him with an excellent oration in Latin; the president was J ohannes de Kitscher, who was the probable author of the abovementioned panegyric, persuaded by the duke to come to work to his court inSzczecin. The supplement ends with a praise of the Great J ourney and of D uke Bolesław as Knight of the Holy Sepulcher.
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Franciszek Sikora

Medieval Studies, Issue 20 (2016), 2016, pp. 171-202

In the present article the author investigates the problem of identification of noblemen participating in Spytko of Melsztyn’s confederation convened in 1439. Their list is known from the document of the confederation, already published twice, but with reading errors that had an impact on the identification of people listed in the text. After the author verified and corrected those errors, it is possible to say that there were 170 Polish noblemen who participated in the confederation. A thorough analysis, based on unknown so far archival sources, makes it possible to identify the places of origin and social background of the following supporters of Spytko: J an Kowalowski of Zaryszyn, Klemens of Kłaj, Moniaczkowski (of Moniaczkowice, probably Mikołaj), Mikołaj of W łoszynów, O tłuczony of Kręciszki in the Land of Łęczyca (probably Paweł or Mikołaj of R ola coat of arms), J an of Milejów, C racow sword-bearer Mikołaj of C hrząst  Melsztyn’s C onfederation of 1439, the original of which is kept in the Central A rchives of Historical R ecords in W arsaw.

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Marek Smoliński

Medieval Studies, Issue 20 (2016), 2016, pp. 203-238

The origins of Zwinisława, a wife of Gdańsk’s princeps Mściwój I, attracted the interest of chroniclers as early as in the Middle A ges and early modern period. A desire to find her family was shared also by historians. Thus, she was recognized either as a daughter of Polish Duke Mieszko III the O ld or a member of another dynasty ruling in Schlawe Pomerania at the end of the twelfth and in the first half of the thirteenth century. Some historians see her as a daughter of Grzymisław, the princeps ruling at Starogard (Stargord) and Ś wiecie (Schwetz), others think she descended from the family of nobles ruling in the lands of O ksywie (Oxhöft) in tribal Pomerania. Some others, considering the originality of her first name — which betrays Slavonic/Ruthenian influences — look for her origins in the family of Silesian D uke Bolesław I the Tall and his wife, also Zwinisława. She was a daughter of R uthenian D uke Vsevolod O legovitch. Thus, Mściwój I ’s wife was supposed to be a daughter of the Silesian couple. Yet some other researchers, taking into considerations ties between Pomeranian Zwinisława and the N orbertines, and at the same time the name of the wife of D uke Bolesław I the Tall, proposed to see in our Zwinisława a daughter of another Silesian D uke Mieszko I Tanglefoot and his wife Ludmiła.
The problems of Zwinisława’s descend are caused mainly by the lack of preserved sources which could clearly indicate the family of her origin. The present study attempts to collect all the references to her descent that have not been deprecated during a discussion on the subject. They include: the title of duchess, her relationship with the Premonstratensians, the repetition of the first names of some daughters and granddaughters of Mściwój I and Zwinisława (Eufemia, Salomea, Zwinisława) and political contacts of the Pomeranian dynasts with the Piast dukes and members of other ducal lines. Finally, a hypothesis has been put forward that we should look or Pomeranian Zwinisława’s origin in the Moravian line of the Přemyslid dynasty, related to the R uthenian princes (also to the line of D uke Bolesław I the Tall’s wife), which descended from E mperor Otto I and E uphemia of Hungary. I n this hypothesis, Pomeranian Zwinisława could have been a daughter of O tto III D ethleb and Ruthenian Princes D urantia (Durancia).
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Jarosław Sochacki

Medieval Studies, Issue 20 (2016), 2016, pp. 239-252

 After a 30-year peace concluded by Bulgarian Khan Omurtag with Byzantine E mperor Leo V the Armenian in 815, the khan turned his attention to the conflicts in the borderlands with the Frankish state. Special occasion for interference to matters of the neighboring country ruled at that time by Louis the Pious was offered by a Slavic uprising of 819–822, headed by D uke Ljudevit Posavski. However, as ttempts to resolve the conflict between the Bulgarians and Franks through negotiation, made by O murtag in 824 or 825, failed, in 827 the Bulgarians invaded — to the detriment of Frankish interests — the lands of Pannonian Slavs, deposed local dukes and subjected the people to the local administration being a tool in their hands. I n response, in 827 the Franks organized an expedition against the Bulgarians, headed by E mperor Louis the Pious’ son, Louis the German.
But the operations against the Bulgarians could not succeed at that time, for the Frankish kingdom was too weak after Louis the Pious issued an edict (Orinatio Imperii, 817) regulating the imperial succession. Under the edict, the main part of the Frankish territory together with the title of emperor went to Louis’s eldest son Lothair I , who was also given the kingship of I taly. Lothair’s brothers, Pippin and Louis, were to be kings in their dependent kingdoms, but only after their father’s death. O nce a year they had to come to the emperor’s court to discuss the most mportant matters concerning common good and preservation of peace. W ithout the emperor’s consent they could not declare war or make peace, and they could independently negotiate only in less important matters. They had to inform Lothair about everything what was happening in the borderlands of their kingdoms. I n return they could expect military support in fight against foreign peoples. But the edict failed to stabilize the situation; on the contrary, it caused many internal conflicts between the members of the emperor’s family and their political parties.
In 830 a rebellion broke out in the state of Franks, called “loyal revolution”, which led to hostile actions of Louis’ sons Pippin and Louis against their father. The thorny issue was regulations of the Orinatio Imperii. The internal fights of the 830s weakened the Frankish state so much that it was unable to successfully withstand actions of the hostile neighbors, including the Bulgarian state.

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Jerzy Sperka

Medieval Studies, Issue 20 (2016), 2016, pp. 253-272

Wenceslaus III , Duke of Rybnik (in Polish: W acław III ), was an indirect descendant of the Přemyslids who in the fourteenth–fifteenth centuries ruled in the D uchy of Opava and Racibórz (Ratibor). The duchy, however, from the end of the fourteenth century entered a period of internal divisions. After the death of his father Nicholas V († 1452) Duke Wenceslaus III and his brother John I V divided the inheritance, with John I V taking Krnov and Wodzisław, and Wenceslaus III — R ybnik, Pszczyna and Żory with neighboring districts. W enceslaus III reign witnessed the rivalry between the Jagiellons and Matthias I Corvinus of Hungary for the Bohemian Crown. But the duke of Rybnik pursued a very hesitant policy, siding, in turn, with one party or another. At the same time he failed to secure good relations with his neighbors, Silesian dukes, and was constantly fighting against them. All this led to the interference by Matthias I who annexed a part of his duchy (and gave it to Henry the Younger of Poděbrady) and imprisoned the duke himself. W enceslaus died imprisoned in 1478, without getting the help of the Polish king with whom he maintained friendly relations.

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Adam Szweda

Medieval Studies, Issue 20 (2016), 2016, pp. 274-282

In A pril 1442 an envoy of the Grand Master of the Teutonic Order Konrad von E rlichshausen appeared before the participants of provincial synod at Piotrków in the person of a parish priest from Sępopol Mikołaj W etterheim. He wanted to present the transumpts of the bulls of Pope A lexander I V and Martin V issued for the Teutonic O rder. I n the face of the opposition of the council fathers, the Teutonic envoy took care to record all those circumstances in a notarial act which sheds light on an unknown aspect of the Polish-Teutonic relations in the early 1440s. A n assumption can be made that the mentioned bulls concerned the right to present Teutonic candidates to fill the vacancies in Pomerania territory, that is under the authority of bishop of W łocławek and archbishop of Gniezno. The mentioned notarial instrument broadens our knowledge about the participants and course of the synod at Piotrków, as well as provides us with additional arguments on the separation of the synod and a general assembly of the nobility convened soon afterwards to Sieradz, because in some literature on the subject those two events were treated as one.

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Jan Szymczak

Medieval Studies, Issue 20 (2016), 2016, pp. 283-306

The article presents an unstudied problem of armed escort of urban war wagons in late medieval and early modern Poland. From the thirteenth century on, towns and cities were obliged to provide food on carts sent to war. Those carts were usually accompanied by an armed escort. But the first document — specifying this obligation for the entire Polish Kingdom together with the number of escorting men and their protective and offensive weapons — dates to 1521. An analysis of this source and some other fragmentary references (from both earlier and later times) makes it possible for us to say that most often the escort included urban infantry. Another interesting conclusion is that from the early sixteenth century crossbows were being gradually replaced with firearms. A detailed table juxtaposes different types of protective and offensive weaponry used

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Alicja Szymczakowa

Medieval Studies, Issue 20 (2016), 2016, pp. 307-322

The article presents the beginnings of the Tarnowski family of J elita coat of arms from the village of Tarnówek near Szadek (voivodeship of Sieradz). I ts progenitor W incenty was probably from one of the three villages with the name of Tarnów (Tarnowo) in the land of Łęczyca. The fact that he moved to the land of Sieradz could probably be associated with his marriage to a woman originating from the family of Pomian coat of arms, with a heritage at R ossoszyca and neighboring villages. A fter the marriage, W incenty acquired some lands at R ossoszyca and Boczki. The progenitor of the Tarnowskis was very active in land courts and local borough courts of Sieradz voivodeship as assessor and vice-official. He was a client of the voivode of Łęczyca and royal plenipotentiary in W ielkopolska (Greater Poland) Wojciech Malski. A ppointed by him, from 1441 he served as land subjudge for the district of Sieradz, but in 1447, after the coronation of King Casimir J agiellon, was removed from his position. Then he became a client of the Kurozwęckis of Poraj (Róża) coat of arms, holding on their behalf offices in the local administration of O strzeszów. His other patrons were the Zarembas of Kalinowa, holding in pledge the starostwo of W ieluń. Here again W incenty was an official of the starost administration. Until his death in 1472 he was also very active serving as an assessor at noble courts in Sieradz voivodeship.

Wincenty had two sons from his three marriages. The first marriage gave him Klemens who took over the estate at R ossoszyca. The second marriage brought him J an (later, a father of at least eight children), a progenitor of the Tarnowskis of Tarnówek near Szadek, still active in Sieradz voivodeship in the early modern perio

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Jan Wroniszewski

Medieval Studies, Issue 20 (2016), 2016, pp. 323-338

Studya Heraldyczne (Heraldic Studies), a book published in 1890 by the scholar from Lvov A ntoni Małecki may be the most important work in the accomplishments of the study into heraldry of the Polish lands. O bviously, not all his establishments and theses were proved by later research, yet the book offered a new and different look at the adaptation of heraldry in Poland. A t the same time, it cleared the research area by successfully questioning the validity of a theory about runic genesis of Polish coat of arms in consequence of an invasion by the Scandinavians who established the Polish state and imposed its ruling class (the nobility). Małecki correctly separated proprietary marks, with their different functions, of Polish noblemen found on their seals to the turn of the fourteenth century from their later coats of arms. Małecki’s Studya Heraldyczne provoked an animated discussion on the origins of heraldry in Poland and the function of coat of arms. The present article emphasizes its most important elements and theses, touching also upon some social questions, especially the beginnings of kinship organization of the medieval Polish nobility. The discussion, bringing about many valuable observations, did not, however, lead to any decisive conclusions. A n explanation of the emergence of coats of arms and names was given by the research of J anusz Bieniak in the last quarter of the twentieth century, who starting from a synthetic image drawn by A . Małecki, demonstrated a process of development of family coats of arms and names at the turn of the fourteenth century.

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Dariusz Wybranowski

Medieval Studies, Issue 20 (2016), 2016, pp. 339-370

The article focuses on the history of the Pomeranian Hospitallers of St J ohn after such an important period for them as taking over most of the estates and properties of the Knights Templars in Pomerania and N eumark after the order was dissolved by the pope in 1312. For better understanding, it is necessary to present in a concise way the history of houses of the O rder of St J ohn of J erusalem in W estern and Central Pomerania (at Stargard, Copam, Suchań Sławno) before they acquired the former estates and possessions of the Templars. Because only then it is possible to see such elements of the Hospitallers’ everyday life as: financial transactions between the Hospitallers and members of feudal elites in Pomerania, their new gains, but also some losses of financial substance suffered by the knights at some later time. A greater number of preserved sources than in the earlier period made it also possible to study contacts between local officials of the O rder and the local inhabitants of Pomerania. O f special interest is also the history of former Templar commanderies taken over by the Hospitallers (Rurka, C zaplinek/Tempelburg, C hwarszczany). Their management was very difficult, also due to claims of Pomeranian dukes to the lands that formally were to be taken over by the Hospitallers after the Templar O rder was dissolved. This gave rise to many problems and bitter conflicts, occasionally aggravated by fights between the Pomeranians and Brandenburgians or Poles. A ll this was accompanied by disagreements over the ownership rights to the town of Banie or the establishment of a commandery at Kolin and dissolution of the Hospitaller posts at C zaplinek and D rahim at some later time.

The rich history of the Hospitallers in medieval Pomerania is also evidenced by conflicts not only between the Knights of St J ohn and the dukes of the House of Griffin but also with Pomeranian nobles. A good example of those is a dispute with a mighty family of the W edels in 1373–1377. The W edels invaded R urka belonging to the Hospitallers whose diplomacy tried to gain the support of the papacy or the emperor himself. Those conflicts forced the Knights to attempt to establish their new houses in Pomerania. A fter R urka was plundered and destroyed, the Hospitallers decided in 1377 to build a new, well-fortified seat at the village of Swobnica (Wildenbruch) located in a small island in the marshes between Bania, Trzcińsko (Schönfliess) and C hojna. I n N ovember that year the building plans were approved by D ukes Ś więtobór I and W arcisław VII . I n 1382 the commander moved ceremoniously to his new seat and Swobnica (Wildenbruch), besides Suchań and Kolin, became one of the most important places of the Knights in this part of the R eich. Another acquisition of the Hospitallers of those times was a castle at Pęzin (Pansin) near Stargard, bought in 1382 by the preceptor of the Knights Bernard von Schulenburg from the Borka family of Strzmiele (Wulfsberg, Stramehl) near Łobez.

All in all, after various events of the first and part of the second half of the fourteenth century, the Hospitallers succeeded in keeping to the early modern period and the R eformation only a few commanderies in the territories of the D uchy of Pomerania and borderlands of N eumark, namely: Suchań, Kolin, Swobnica, Pęzino (to 1493), Chwarszczany and the town of Banie, as well as a certain number of villages belonging to them.

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Sources

Sobiesław Szybkowski

Medieval Studies, Issue 20 (2016), 2016, pp. 373-388

The published document is known to the older literature on the subject, but through a nineteenth-century popularizing article, and this fact alone justifies its full edition. I t was issued by the land court of D obrzyń Land on the redrawing of the boundary between two villages in the county of R ypin: the village of O siek belonging to Piotr Lebel, and the village of W rzeszewo belonging to J akub Ś winka of Strzygi. A part from valuable data on the boundary between the villages, the document informs us about a social and political situation in D obrzyń Land two years after it was bought back from the Teutonic Knights by King W ładysław (Ladislaus) J agiello in June 1405. A n analysis of the group of arbiters who set the boundary between W rzeszewo and O siek and a comparison of its result with the list of owners of these villages reveals that the pro-Teutonic party among the D obrzyń nobility which formed during the Teutonic rule in 1391/1392–1405 maintained its relative internal unity, for its members did mutual legal favors (such as playing the role of arbiter fixing the boundary between villages). A personal analysis of the list of witnesses, on the other hand, indicates an advantage among the D obrzyń officials of persons that could be associated with the supporters of the C rown in 1391/1392–1405. But there are also two representatives of the pro-Teutonic party, with one of them forced by royal reprisals to leave for Teutonic Prussia a year later.

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