Antique Reminiscences in Christine de Pizan’s Medieval Military Textbook The Book of Deeds of Arms and Chivalry One

One of the most interesting late‑medieval literary monuments is the military textbook entitled The Book of Deeds of Arms and Chivalry (beginning of the 15th century). The fact that the author of this book on war and chivalry is a woman, Christine de Pizan, is understandably arousing the interest of medievalists – but it is only one of the fascinating issues connected with this work. Equally interesting is the fact of the author’s reference to the antique models and their presence in the textbook. The aim of this paper is to engage in polemics with the thesis that invoking antique authorities was merely a form of “rhetorical” strategy of de Pizan, who wanted to demonstrate her knowledge of classical literature. My intention is to remind the readers that the function of the antique auctoritates (mainly Vegetius and Frontinus, as well as Valerius Maximus) was not purely ornamental, intended to demonstrate the author’s erudition, but that the quotations from the works of antique writers and the references to them constituted an integral part of the author’s line of thinking and argumentation. Their presence in the textbook testifies to the timeless value of the recommendations of the antique writers and their decisive role in the author’s argumentation.

During the significant period between late medieval times (15th century) and the end of early modern era (18th century) the oath was an important tool of communication not only between the town and its lord but also among the members of the municipal community itself. The whole community and its representatives had sworn to the Territorial Lord the oath of loyalty, submission and obedience. To swear an oath of loyalty to the community was an important part of initiation process for every new townsman. Generally we can say the oath was a kind of bond to the town structures. Also, it has been a tool frequently utilized within the judicial process. Besides, from the city scribe to the least servant in the city jail, whenever they were taking up their office, there was also an obligation to swear an oath to the city council and to the community. The course of study of the following paper is the oath of office in the sphere of food production, food distribution and utilization of sources  within late medieval and early modern Silesian and Moravian town communities (Wroclaw, Zlotorya, Opava, Olomouc and Swidnica with some additional oaths of office from Klodsko) and relevance of the oath as the source for research on urban structures of those times. The fact that the city, despite its inanimate nature, proves itself to behave like a living organism was noticed and mentioned by many scientists including biologists, sociologists and – of course – historians. Alike the living creatures, the town needs its sources for living and growing. And for the existence of urban structures, the issue of who could control these resources and how, is crucial. We can specify three substantial sources important for living within the walls of medieval and early modern town – water, wood and trade. Analysing each defined sphere we will try to demonstrate the aforementioned functions of the oath of office and the possibilities of its utilization as the historical source for observation of the food production and administration of the sources within the dynamically changing world of late medieval and early modern town.

In the Middle Ages insulting behaviours took various forms. The paper focuses on those ways ofInsulting Gestures in the Light of Polish Late‑Medieval Written and Iconographic Sources on the Passion of Jesus

insulting which were expressed by gestures, at the same time emphasising that this is a research area that has not yet inspired a separate study. The paper analyses late‑medieval apocryphal narratives and iconographic sources. The selection of sources was determined by the presence of the topic of the Passion of Jesus, in which the motif of insult was especially frequent. Due to this biblical motif, the first section of the paper discusses the instances of insulting Christ in the Holy Bible, which constitute a point of reference for a further discussion. It will enable us to point out those gestures which complemented the medieval canonical narrative. In sum, in the text we will find descriptions and interpretations of over 20 insulting behaviours, most of which are also illustrated by appropriate iconography. It has been noted that the gestures presented by the authors of the sources had to be understandable for the people of those times; they therefore had to be drawn from the practice of everyday life, and by that token constitute a testimony of the then ways of insulting

This article builds on an observation that medieval politics in the thirteenth century tends to be approached by standard political history as if centralized statehood (and its international implications) was an ahistorical phenomenon existing in all ages. Taking this perspective, to suggest that the political motivations and actions of dukes and kings are rational and motivated by raison d’état has been a popular practice over many decades. However, the otherness of medieval political culture seems to be overlooked. This article proposes an amendment to the conventional approach by taking a culture‑specific turn and introducing the concept of lordly identity. It comes with an assumption that standard international agents in thirteenth century Latin Christendom were lords (not states).
The notion of lordly identity makes clear references to conceptual frameworks developed in international relations theories. It is based on a constructivist approach proposing that international actors develop ways of mitigating conflict and promoting cooperation by establishing a form of international (intergroup) society, which is governed by worked‑out norms and regulations in the process of mutual interactions. In such a self‑defined‑by‑practice society its constitutive members assume certain roles and identities, which affect their behaviors and shape political interests. By developing a concept of lordly identity, the article attempts to inspire and strengthen medieval historian’s explanatory powers. It draws attention to IR assumptions and arguments about international politics that often remain little known and obscure to political historians of the Middle Ages.

The Captivity of Casimir [V], Duke of Pomerania‑Stettin, after the Battle of Grunwald (1410/1411): Historic and Cultural Observations

The paper presents the activities of Swantibor I, Duke of Pomerania, undertaken in relation to the captivity of his son, the young Griffin Casimir [V], by the King of Poland, Władysław II, after the Battle of Grunwald on July 15, 1410; it also verifies the erroneous opinions present in the older literature regarding the period of Casimir’s imprisonment (1410–1411) and indicates sources which confirm that in 1411 Swantibor I went on a pilgrimage to the Holy Land. Taking into account the old age of the Pomeranian monarch, his poor health, the several‑months‑long break in performing monarchic functions in his Duchy and gubernatorial functions in the Mittelmark, the geographical expanse of the journey, as well as its very destination – i.e., the sanctuaries, first and foremost the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem – this journey, distant and in many aspects dangerous for the old Duke, should be interpreted as a paternal votivem pilgrimage in the intention of recovering his son. We also pointed at some indications that the votive pilgrimage of Swantibor I was motivated not only by his paternal feelings for his son, but that the decision to visit the Holy Sepulchre resulted from the old Duke’s perception of the Polish‑Lithuanian‑Teutonic conflict and the King of Poland himself. The latter, keeping his son imprisoned, most likely in the distant Lithuania, presented himself to him as an enemy of Christianity availing himself of “pagans”, “schismatics”, and “Saracens” in the fight with the German order, whom both Griffins supported. In this situation, only a remarkable votive deed performed in the hope of eliciting direct divine intervention could have saved the son and return him to his father. This action of Swantibor I and its motives wholly inscribe themselves into the religious mentality of the then elite and their perception of reality.

Anthelios. Byzantine authors on the statue of Constantine the Great placed on top of a porphyry column in Constantinople

The above paper discusses the reports of Byzantine authors concerning the statue of Constantine the Great, which since 330 to 1106 has crowned the column standing in the middle of the Forum Constantini in Constantinople, in the centre of the new city. It portrayed the emperor as ancient God Helios, and not as it could be  expected,an archichristian ruler (imperator christianissimus). The Byzantine authors mentioning the fact of its existence also had a problem with assessing who the statue portrayed. One of them thought that the statue portrayed Emperor Constantine, the others, however, thought that it was pagan God Helios. The duality of assesing the monument resulted from the fact that the memory of Constantine as an emperor who syncretically comprehended christianity faded away. The author has analysed the reports of Byzantine authors concerning the statue, and the final findings have been also supported by the results of the numismatic research. The research confirms that despite his sincere faith in the might of Christian God, the emperor Constantine remained a Sol invictus (formely known as Apollo or Helios) worshipper regarding himsels (since 310) as his human incarnation. This is why, the statue portrays the emperor as young Sun God with a crown on his head, holding the attributes of imperial power: a spear and globe.

Pomeranian and Polish Aspects of the Activity and Work of Johannes de Kitzscher (ca. 1460/65–1521)

The subject of the author’s considerations are the Pomeranian and Polish aspects of the biography and activity of the Saxon humanist, doctor of laws, and orator Johannes von Kitscher (ca. 1460/65–1521). When Johannes von Kitscher was the rector of the university in Bologna (1497), the Pomeranian Duke Bogislaw X, who was traveling through Italy, acquired his services and engaged him to work on his court as a political councillor and diplomat. Performing this function, as well as that of a provost of a collegiate church in Kołobrzeg, he wrote the Tragicomedy, published in 1501 in Leipzig – once renowned dramatic piece based upon the Duke Bogislaw’s journey to the Holy Land, and in particular the naval battle fought with the Turks on August 30, 1497, off the Peloponnesian coast; a mediocre, childish work, as it was dedicated to the Duke’s seven‑year‑old son, Georg. He also delivered a eulogy during the funeral of the Duke’s wife, Anna Jagiellon (1503). As an advocate of a strong‑arm regime, he compromised himself as the Duke’s councillor during his conflict with the city of Straslund and left Pomerania in 1504. Years later, now in the service of the Hohenzollerns, he delivered a speech before the Polish sejm (1512), enclosed to the paper.

The Policy of the Prussian Mission in the Symbolism of the Gniezno Doors: On a Side Note of Gerard Labuda’s Concept

The images on the right leaf of the Gniezno Doors are clearly meant to express the character of the policy of the Prussian mission that was supposed to be carried out at the end of the 12th century. Among them, a negative depiction of Prussia regarding the mission of Adalbert of Prague was noticed, which was supposed to arouse in different viewers (e.g. the knighthood) not only a sense of terror, but also probably an anti‑Prussian attitude. Taking into consideration the reference to the 12th‑century projects to subject the Prussian lands to the Polish ecclesial and political influences (reorganization of the Kuyavian diocesan structure and the Prussian crusades of the Piast kings), this reminder of the martyrdom of St. Adalbert also had its significance. This was also pointed out by master Vincent, who suggested that the Prussians were dangerous not only for the body, but also for the soul itself. The evangelistic overtone (Prussians as apostates, not pagans) of the methodology of the Christianization of Prussia was probably the reason for creating the scenario visible on the right leaf of the Gniezno Doors. It was important to draw attention to the convergence between the sections of the door and the bordure framing the particular scenes from the Prussian mission of St. Adalbert. Mutual complements confirm that the sections of the right door, although not as well executed as the left, were located correctly. Contrary to the position assumed by Gerard Labuda, section XI of the door, which refers to the baptism of a Prussian, not a Polan, according to Tempore illo was supposed to show the religious perversity (apostasy) of the Prussians.

Date of Birth and Position of the Later Duke of Gdańsk, Wartislaw II, until 1266

The paper is dedicated to the date of birth of Wartislaw II, Duke of Gdańsk in the years 1266–1269/70, and his position in the country, as well as the Samborides dynasty before they came to power. Most historians place the birth of Wartislaw II around 1236. The above conclusion seems to be supported by the fact that the sources clearly ignore this Duke until 1248, but also after that. Achieving a certain level of maturity is confirmed only by the very probable participation of Wartislaw II in the battle of Nakło in 1256. It is possible that he was raised outside the capital Gdańsk, namely in Słupsk, as we know that he spent time there in his youth (in 1248 and 1253). It may have been related to the possibility raised in literature of Swietopelk preparing Wartislaw II to become his successor, in place of Mestwin II, taken hostage by the Teutonic Order. It is possible, moreover, that Wartislaw II was making preparations there to take rule over his own province, as modelled after North‑German solutions.
The above conclusions seem to be confirmed by the fact that since his youngest years, Wartislaw II was treated in documents as equal with Mestwin II – as Swietopelk’s successor. It is evidenced by the titulature of both brothers and the presence of their names side by side in the documents. Such position entitled Wartislaw to take possession of his own province. Its acquisition in 1266 may have been confirmed by the separate treatment of Wartislaw II and Swietopelk in the Kamień pact from 1264. It is also possible that this document confirmed the fact that his father chose Wartislaw as the successor to the function of the princeps or just the ruler of Gdańsk. In light of other sources, however, it is more likely that Swietopelk did not make any final decisions in this regard and that Wartislaw was elected the ruler of Gdańsk in 1266 by the gentry.

The Document Confirming the Agreement between the Franciscans and the City of Braniewo from 1301 Regarding the Changing of the Monastery’s Location

The subject of this study is the agreement between the Franciscans and the City of Braniewo from April 28, 1301, regarding the changing of the location of the monastery which was hitherto known only from the study by Eugen Brachvogel. Leonhard Lemmens’s register of sources on the history of the old Saxon province of the Franciscans and the Warmian Diplomatic Codex both fail to mention it. Today, the contents of the document are known from the copy drawn up at the end of the 16th century and currently stored in the Etats‑Ministerium collection in the Prussian Privy State Archives in Berlin‑Dahlem (Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preussischer Kulturbesitz).
The document provides important information helpful in reconstructing the dispute between the city and the Franciscans as well as in identifying the subsequent locations of the monastery. The Franciscans came to Braniewo due to the activities of the Warmian bishop Henry I Fleming in 1296. Several years later, a conflict arose  etween the monastery and the city. On April 14 in Elbląg and April 20, 1301, in Braniewo, negotiations were held to resolve the matter. According to the agreement, the Franciscans gave up a parcel in the city and in return received another one, located north from the city, near the river Pasłęka. It was decided, moreover, that the city would build a gate and a bridge above the moat which would connect the monastery with the city.
The dispute between the city and the Franciscans also became the source of the legend about the allegedly illegal destruction of the monastery in the city by the citizens or the Teutonic Order. The 1301 agreement turned out to be short‑lived and only the third location of the monastery proved to be the final one. On February 20, 1330, it was confirmed that the Franciscan monastery was moved back to the city. This decision was made due to the danger it would pose if its edifices were seized by enemy forces attempting to storm the city

Two Unprinted 14th‑Century Documents from Byszewo (Koronowo)

The subject of this study are two hitherto unprinted 14th‑century documents from the collection of the National Archive in Bydgoszcz, from the original parchment documents of the Cistercian monastery in Byszewo (Koronowo). The first one is the document issued on November 25, 1358, possibly in Bydgoszcz, by the Burgrave of  ydgoszcz, Mściwoj from Strońsko, in which he attested that the abbot of the Cistercian monastery in Byszewo (Koronowo), Jan II, and the sołtys of the monastery village Włóki, Stefan, came into an agreement regarding the dispute over the sołectwo in Włóki with Wojciecha, widow of the late Mikołaj, sołtys of the mentioned village, and her children Jan and Anna, who for 7 grzywnas gave up any claims for the sołectwo.
The second document was issued in Bydgoszcz on February 8, 1368, by the Chamberlain of Cracow and Starost of Bydgszcz, Mściwoj from Kwilina, who attested that on behalf of king Casimir the Great he established a boundary line between the village of Knieja, belonging to the abbot of the Cistercian monastery in Byszewo  Koronowo), Jan III, and his convent, and the village of Żołędowo, belonging to the brothers from Służewo: Jan, Wojciech, Jarosław, and Przedpełk. Both documents have been widely commented upon; it was substantiated, e.g., that the issuer of the first document, Mściwoj from Strońsko, was not holding the office of the castellan of Bydgoszcz (that is, a land office), but was the deputy of the Starost – the Burgrave of Bydgszcz.

The Judgement of the Bishop of Płock, Paweł Giżycki, on the Dispute between Ninogniew Kryski and Bogusław, Parson in Drobin

The unpublished judgement from the books of the activities of the bishops of Płock is one of few medieval sources on the history of the Drobin parish. It was issued in Płock on February 5, 1449, by the bishop Paweł Giżycki, in the case of the dispute between the heir of Drobin, Ninogniew Kryski, and its parson, Bogusław. On its  basis, Ninogniew was to present the church in Drobin with one volok free from labour and rent, located among the peasant voloks, as well as to give Bogusław an inn for life. In return, the parson was to pay him the same rent as other innkeepers in Drobin or a fixed sum from the sales of beer. Moreover, having been given the volok, Bogusław was obliged by the bishop who settled the dispute to perform personally or through another priest three masses a week (two for the dead and one for the sins of Ninogniew and his loved ones).