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Logo of Jagiellonian University

Nr 11/2025

2025 Next

Publication date: 19.09.2025

Description
Publication financed by: Uniwersytet Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu, Uniwersytet Gdański, Uniwersytet Jagielloński, Uniwersytet Kazimierza Wielkiego w Bydgoszczy, Uniwersytet Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie, Uniwersytet Łódzki, Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie, Uniwersytet Opolski, Uniwersytet Śląski, Uniwersytet Warszawski, Uniwersytet Wrocławski, Uniwersytet Zielonogórski.

Cover design: Małgorzata Flis.

Licence: CC BY 4.0  licence icon

Editorial team

Editor-in-Chief Piotr Borowiec

Secretary Magdalena Kozub-Karkut

Issue content

Jan Holzer

Teoria Polityki, Nr 11/2025, 2025, pp. 11-25

https://doi.org/10.4467/25440845TP.25.001.21638
The objective of the paper is to formulate a few observations regarding the tendency to classify political regimes as democratic and non-democratic ones based on essentially anthropological categories of human qualities, with reference to Giovanni Sartori’s or Vladimír Čermák’s approaches. The context of reflection is the current debate on the crisis of liberal democratic regimes and how to prevent the influence and rise of non-democratic regimes, with reference to Timothy Snyder’s approach.
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Janusz Golinowski

Teoria Polityki, Nr 11/2025, 2025, pp. 27-45

https://doi.org/10.4467/25440845TP.25.002.21639
The primary objective of the presented article is to examine the qualitative changes in contemporary politics. Politics increasingly often provides self-definition in isolation from any ideas referring to the overall view of social life. The space previously occupied by the narratives of political parties is now filled by representatives of the media, big business, and politicians often viewed as political entrepreneurs. The personification of politics has significant implications, with some leveraging parties to gain and retain power. Others, who reject democratic mechanisms – both from an authoritarian position or by referring to civic rhetoric, reach for the instruments appropriate for populism. In this context, this research attempts to use the category of political anthropology in order to reveal the mechanisms of demythologization of the political process, currently functioning as a “neutral”, technocratic process.
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Michał Gierycz

Teoria Polityki, Nr 11/2025, 2025, pp. 47-63

https://doi.org/10.4467/25440845TP.25.003.21640
The hypothesis discussed in the article is the claim that the crisis of the procedural dimension of the rule of law observed both in Poland and Europe, is associated with an earlier and profound erosion of the substantive dimension of the rule of law. Being aware that behind every political theory, there is a certain anthropological conviction, the “process of proof ” intended here is carried out precisely with regard to the anthropological problem. In the first two paragraphs, the author reveals the classical understanding of the rule of law and the anthropology on which it is based. The thesis of this section is that from the beginning of the idea of the rule of law, its formal (procedural) dimension was inseparably linked to the material (substantive) dimension. The third and fourth paragraphs discuss the essence of the reduction of the rule of law to the formal dimension and its anthropological conditions and consequences. The thesis of this section is that the positivist-legalist reduction of the meaning of the rule of law is related to anthropological change. The fifth paragraph shows how this “new” anthropology strikes today at the rudimentary pillars of a substantively understood rule of law, which makes it possible to address the hypothesis in conclusion.
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W. Julian Korab-Karpowicz

Teoria Polityki, Nr 11/2025, 2025, pp. 65-82

https://doi.org/10.4467/25440845TP.25.004.21641
The concept of human dignity underlies the political project of our times. The vagueness and shakiness of this concept leads to different interpretations. I am trying to define and clarify this concept by the concept of self-realization. The human being has dignity and is an end in himself by realizing himself. Self-realization means full and comprehensive personal development. The dignity of human beings is their unique value resulting from their abilities to achieve self-realization and strive for perfection. Based on this, I then attempt to present a coherent and rational system of human rights. Those human rights that serve the protection of freedom, security and adequate social living conditions of the individual can be rationally justified. However, there are reasonable doubts regarding their controversial interpretations, the consequences of which are, for example, the right to marry people of the same sex or the right to abortion. I argue that in these cases it is difficult to speak about self-realization. As suggested by quantum theory, the reality is a system of interactive, constantly evolving and related processes. Likewise, society is not a collection of individuals, but an interrelated community. Consequently individual self-realization cannot deprive others of the possibility of self-realization. Also, it cannot negatively affect the development of the whole society.
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Clifford Angell Bates Jr.

Teoria Polityki, Nr 11/2025, 2025, pp. 83-103

https://doi.org/10.4467/25440845TP.25.005.21642
This paper addresses the fundamental political anthropological assumption underlying and shaping Aristotle’s regime science. I hope to show how assumptions about the natural sociability of human beings, the intersection of human nature (biologically and socially understood), and the aggregated construction of the human political habitat through discrete structures underlie Aristotle’s understanding of how and why human beings use the political community to achieve their optimal condition for their existence. And to show how Aristotle’s political, anthropological assumptions offer a critique of the anthropological assumptions that drive much of not only modern political thought, but also contemporary political science.
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Paula Olearnik Szydłowska

Teoria Polityki, Nr 11/2025, 2025, pp. 105-122

https://doi.org/10.4467/25440845TP.25.006.21643
This paper examines the underlying political anthropology of women that underlies the strongest pro-choice position of the abortion debate. It finds that anthropology defective in several crucial ways. First, it rejects the premise that individuals can regard their bodies as their property. Secondly, it refutes the notion that self-regarding rights are absolute to the exclusion of other moral limitations. Finally, it problematizes the idea that consent to a certain action regarding one’s body necessarily constitutes ‘the good’ for the individual in question. It argues that the issue of abortion actually sheds light on the inadequacies of what can be described as a pervasive anthropology of autonomous individualism. It advocates instead for a more ‘ecologically’ sound anthropology, of both men and women, which takes seriously their biological nature especially – though not exclusively – with regard to their reproduction and child rearing. The second part of the paper considers the socio-historical rise of ‘second-wave’ feminism and the arguments it deployed which a promoted this ill-begotten anthropology of women to their detriment.
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Janusz Węgrzecki

Teoria Polityki, Nr 11/2025, 2025, pp. 123-137

https://doi.org/10.4467/25440845TP.25.007.21644
The article defenses two points. The first point is: in XXI century Europe three political anthropologies coexist. Each manifests specific civilization/culture. Each culture founded on certain religious principles. First, classic, Latin culture founded on Christian religion. Second, late modernity culture, according to Chantal Delsol founded on pantheism. Third, Islamic culture founded on Muslim religion. XXI century in Europe is an epoch of religions. Each religion leads to specific anthropology, ethics, law and politics. The second point is: there is a clash of three political anthropologies. First, homo politicus anthropology founded on Christian religion unique to Latin culture. Second, homo deus anthropology founded on pantheism unique to late modernity culture. Third, homo islamicus anthropology founded on Muslim religion unique to Islamic culture.
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Piotr Sawczyński

Teoria Polityki, Nr 11/2025, 2025, pp. 139-150

https://doi.org/10.4467/25440845TP.25.008.21645
The subject matter of the article is Hannah Arendt’s theory of natality. I seek to demonstrate that the concept of birth is used by Arendt to rethink the relationship of politics and biological life beyond the modern paradigm of biopolitics.
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Linas Jokubaitis

Teoria Polityki, Nr 11/2025, 2025, pp. 151-168

https://doi.org/10.4467/25440845TP.25.009.21646
The paper presents an attempt to solve the problem of Leo Strauss’s statements about the role of Christianity and the category of individuality in la querelle des Anciens et des Modernes by looking at it from Alexandre Kojève’s point of view. His interpretation, which was developed in a close cooperation with Strauss, allows us to gain a better understanding of the relationship between Christianity and the anthropology of the moderns. According to Kojève’s reconstruction of the history of philosophy, Christian understanding of humanity establishes the indivisible unity of the three fundamental anthropological categories – individuality, historicity and freedom. It marks a rejection of the ancient idea of law and provides the anthropological framework for the development of modern political theory. Kojève’s interpretation shows that the two different meanings of Strauss’s statement about the category of individuality are in fact inseparable – thinking in terms of unique and unrepeatable events emerges with Christianity, and moral individualism, the belief in the absolute value of each individual human being, is also of Christian origin.
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Adam Danek

Teoria Polityki, Nr 11/2025, 2025, pp. 169-186

https://doi.org/10.4467/25440845TP.25.010.21647
Like other traditionalist thinkers, Ananda Coomaraswamy (1877–1947) contrasted archaic societies with modern societies. Based on studies of the former’s way of life, he built an anthropology from which he concluded that the modern social, economic and political order is incompatible with human nature. According to Coomaraswamy, man must read in the world and in his own nature the meaning that comes from the divine sphere. This is made possible by symbols contained in myths that are preserved in culture. Man expresses symbols and myths through art – he is by nature a creator and artist. The secularism of modern societies has separated the human sphere from the divine. According to Coomaraswamy, this results in sterile industrial productivism in the economy and senseless, abstract ‘art’ in culture. In modern society, regardless of its particular political and economic system, individual freedom is a fiction, because it forces man to live an uncreative, i.e. unnatural life. Coomaraswamy saw the way to remedy this situation in the reform of society in the neo-medieval manner.
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Dominik Tylka

Teoria Polityki, Nr 11/2025, 2025, pp. 187-210

https://doi.org/10.4467/25440845TP.25.011.21648
The text attempts to reconstruct the political anthropologies of two important for the social sciences theories of power – by Steven Lukes and Michel Foucault. It does so by analysing the different kinds of causality attributed to the individual in these approaches. These are interactional, structural, epistemological and ontological causality. By presenting them together, the aim is to show the limits of problematising the human being and the justifications behind it.
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Jacek Sroka

Teoria Polityki, Nr 11/2025, 2025, pp. 211-232

https://doi.org/10.4467/25440845TP.25.012.21649
The content of the article is concentrated on the issues of eight model modes of argumentation in political discourses, focusing on the local dimension and emphasizing the pragmatic mode with the accompanying redundancy (redundancy of: message, data, styling), which – although is useful in everyday argumentation – if it is excessively expanded and in case of lack of relevance (i.e. adequacy and significance of the message) – may lead to the strengthening of the political cleavages ‘produced’ by the mechanism of schismogenesis assigned to the human race (and scientifically characterized by Gregory Bateson), creating differences between individuals, groups, societies (see Bateson, 1935, 1972). Thus, in conditions of impoverished civic culture, which can be observed, among others, in local Poland, the pragmatic mode in political argumentation may contribute more often to perpetuating divisions (sociopolitical cleavages) and relatively less often to creating premises for agreement. The author’s interpretation of William N. Dunn’s (see Dunn, 1994, 2012, 2017) model uses generalized conclusions from field research, which refer to, among others: to the influence of (formal and informal) normative contexts of political discourse operating at the local government level. The main line of argumentation refers to the main thesis stating the dominance of the pragmatic mode in political argumentation per se, while placing the proposed analysis in a micro-systemic (i.e. local- government) perspective and emphasizing the excessive exaggeration of the role of the above-mentioned redundancy in political messages, which is a premise for strengthening divisions between elites and citizens, as well as promoting visions proclaimed by leaders that differentiate the community. The title phrase “to be for and even against” is taken from an almost universally known quote, which will not be analyzed separately in the text. It is used in the title and introduction to the topic because this phrase accurately reflects the essence of the logical culture of political discourse, reduced to the ground floor and marked by redundancy, and the accompanying paradoxes in public relations.
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Funding information

Publication financed by: Uniwersytet Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu, Uniwersytet Gdański, Uniwersytet Jagielloński, Uniwersytet Kazimierza Wielkiego w Bydgoszczy, Uniwersytet Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie, Uniwersytet Łódzki, Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie, Uniwersytet Opolski, Uniwersytet Śląski, Uniwersytet Warszawski, Uniwersytet Wrocławski, Uniwersytet Zielonogórski.