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Passivisation of Polish Object Experiencer verbs vs. the unaccusativity hypothesis (Part 1)

Data publikacji: 12.07.2017

Studies in Polish Linguistics, Volume 12 (2017), Vol. 12, Issue 2, s. 57-73

https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920SPL.17.003.7021

Autorzy

,
Anna Bondaruk
Instytut Językoznawstwa, Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II, Al. Racławickie 14, 20-950 Lublin, Poland
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7718-2960 Orcid
Wszystkie publikacje autora →
,
Bożena Rozwadowska
Instytut Filologii Angielskiej, Uniwersytet Wrocławski, Kuźnicza 22, 50-138 Wrocław, Poland
https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9029-6463 Orcid
Wszystkie publikacje autora →
Wojciech Witkowski
Uniwersytet Wrocławski, Polska, plac Uniwersytecki 1, 50-137 Wrocław
Wszystkie publikacje autora →

Tytuły

Passivisation of Polish Object Experiencer verbs vs. the unaccusativity hypothesis (Part 1)

Abstrakt

The paper aims to verify Landau’s (2010) claim that the inability of stative Object Experiencer (OE) verbs to form verbal passives is directly linked to their unaccusativity. In the first part of the article it is shown that given the polysemous nature of OE verbs in Polish, the collected corpus data confirm that unambiguously stative OE verbs do not form verbal passives in Polish. However, it is argued that this fact cannot be taken as evidence for the unaccusativity of these predicates. A number of arguments are provided against the claim that Polish stative OE verbs are unaccusative. Firstly, in contrast to their English equivalents, stative OE verbs in Polish cannot co-occur with an expletive subject. Secondly, the accusative case of the Experiencer is clearly structural in Polish, as it is affected by the Genitive of Negation. The second part of the article (to be published in a forthcoming issue of this journal) focuses on the mutual hierarchy of the two arguments of OE verbs: the Experiencer and the Target/Subject Matter (T/SM). The evidence based on Condition A, pronominal variable binding, and Condition C effects is inconclusive, and hence does not allow us to determine which of the two arguments is projected higher in the structure. For this reason, it is assumed after Landau (2010) that the Experiencer is projected higher than the T/SM. The overall conclusion reached in the paper is that stative OE verbs in Polish are not syntactically unaccusative, and therefore their immunity to the verbal passive must be sought elsewhere. The answer to the question why stative OE verbs do not form verbal passives crucially relies on their having a complex ergative structure as in Bennis (2004), where both arguments are internal, while the external argument is missing altogether.

Bibliografia

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Informacje

Informacje: Studies in Polish Linguistics, Volume 12 (2017), Vol. 12, Issue 2, s. 57-73

Typ artykułu: Oryginalny artykuł naukowy

Tytuły:

Angielski:

Passivisation of Polish Object Experiencer verbs vs. the unaccusativity hypothesis (Part 1)

Autorzy

https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7718-2960

Anna Bondaruk
Instytut Językoznawstwa, Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II, Al. Racławickie 14, 20-950 Lublin, Poland
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7718-2960 Orcid
Wszystkie publikacje autora →

Instytut Językoznawstwa, Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II, Al. Racławickie 14, 20-950 Lublin, Poland

https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9029-6463

Bożena Rozwadowska
Instytut Filologii Angielskiej, Uniwersytet Wrocławski, Kuźnicza 22, 50-138 Wrocław, Poland
https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9029-6463 Orcid
Wszystkie publikacje autora →

Instytut Filologii Angielskiej, Uniwersytet Wrocławski, Kuźnicza 22, 50-138 Wrocław, Poland

Uniwersytet Wrocławski, Polska, plac Uniwersytecki 1, 50-137 Wrocław

Publikacja: 12.07.2017

Status artykułu: Otwarte __T_UNLOCK

Licencja: CC BY-NC-ND  ikona licencji

Udział procentowy autorów:

Anna Bondaruk (Autor) - 33%
Bożena Rozwadowska (Autor) - 33%
Wojciech Witkowski (Autor) - 34%

Korekty artykułu:

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Języki publikacji:

Angielski