Passivisation of Polish Object Experiencer verbs vs. the unaccusativity hypothesis (Part 1)
cytuj
pobierz pliki
RIS BIB ENDNOTEChoose format
RIS BIB ENDNOTEPassivisation of Polish Object Experiencer verbs vs. the unaccusativity hypothesis (Part 1)
Publication date: 12.07.2017
Studies in Polish Linguistics, Volume 12 (2017), Vol. 12, Issue 2, pp. 57 - 73
https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920SPL.17.003.7021Authors
Passivisation of Polish Object Experiencer verbs vs. the unaccusativity hypothesis (Part 1)
The paper aims to verify Landau’s (2010) claim that the inability of stative Object Experiencer (OE) verbs to form verbal passives is directly linked to their unaccusativity. In the first part of the article it is shown that given the polysemous nature of OE verbs in Polish, the collected corpus data confirm that unambiguously stative OE verbs do not form verbal passives in Polish. However, it is argued that this fact cannot be taken as evidence for the unaccusativity of these predicates. A number of arguments are provided against the claim that Polish stative OE verbs are unaccusative. Firstly, in contrast to their English equivalents, stative OE verbs in Polish cannot co-occur with an expletive subject. Secondly, the accusative case of the Experiencer is clearly structural in Polish, as it is affected by the Genitive of Negation. The second part of the article (to be published in a forthcoming issue of this journal) focuses on the mutual hierarchy of the two arguments of OE verbs: the Experiencer and the Target/Subject Matter (T/SM). The evidence based on Condition A, pronominal variable binding, and Condition C effects is inconclusive, and hence does not allow us to determine which of the two arguments is projected higher in the structure. For this reason, it is assumed after Landau (2010) that the Experiencer is projected higher than the T/SM. The overall conclusion reached in the paper is that stative OE verbs in Polish are not syntactically unaccusative, and therefore their immunity to the verbal passive must be sought elsewhere. The answer to the question why stative OE verbs do not form verbal passives crucially relies on their having a complex ergative structure as in Bennis (2004), where both arguments are internal, while the external argument is missing altogether.
Ackema Peter, Schoorlemmer Maike (2005). Middles. In The Blackwell Companion to Syntax, vol. III. Martin Everaert, Henk van Riemsdijk, Rob Geogemans and Bert Hollebrandse (eds.), 131–203. Oxford: Blackwell.
Belletti Adriana, Rizzi Luigi (1988). Psych-verbs and θ theory. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 6, 291–352.
Bennis Hans (2004). Unergative adjectives and psych verbs. In The Unaccusativity Puzzle. Explorations of the Syntax-Lexicon Interface. Artemis Alexiadou, Elena Anagnostopoulou and Martin Everaert (eds.), 84–114. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Biały Adam (2005). Polish Psychological Verbs at the Lexicon-syntax Interface in Cross-linguistic Perspective. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang.
Błaszczak Joanna (2001). Covert movement and the Genitive of Negation in Polish. Linguistics in Potsdam 15, 1–85.
Bondaruk Anna (2000a). Subject clauses in English and Polish. In PASE Papers in Language Studies. Proceedings of the 8th Annual Conference of the Polish Association for the Study of English. Bożena Rozwadowska (ed.), 61–71.Wrocław: Aksel.
Bondaruk Anna (2000b). Zdania podmiotowe i dopełnieniowe ze słowem to w języku polskim. Polonica XX, 71–81.
Bondaruk Anna (2015). Subjects or objects? – The syntax of clausal subjects in Polish. In Slavic Grammar from a Formal Perspective. The 10th Anniversary FDSL Conference, Leipzig 2013. Gerhild Zybatow, Peter Biskup, Marcel Guhl, Claudia Hurtig, Olav Mueller-Reichau and Maria Yasterbova (eds.), 77–92. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang.
Bondaruk Anna, Rozwadowska Bożena, Witkowski Wojciech (to appear). Passivisation of Polish Object Experiencer verbs vs. the unaccusativity hypothesis (Part II). Studies in Polish Linguistics 12(3).
Burzio Luigi (1986). Italian syntax: A Government and Binding Approach. Dordrecht: Reidel.
Chi-Han Cheung, Candice, Larson Richard K. (2015). Psych verbs in English and Mandarin. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 33(1), 127–189.
Fagan Sarah (1992). The Syntax and Semantics of Middle Constructions: A Study with Special Reference to German. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Giejgo Janina (1981). Movement rules in Polish syntax. Ph.D. dissertation. University College London.
Grafmiller Jason (2013). The semantics and syntactic choice. An analysis of English emotion verbs. Ph.D. dissertation, Stanford University, Stanford, CA.
Grimshaw Jane (1990). Argument Structure. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Herschensohn Julia (1992). Case marking and French psych-verbs. Linguisticae Investigationes XVI(1), 21–40.
Herschensohn Julia (1999). What does zero syntax add to an analysis of French psych-verbs? In Semantic Issues in Romance Syntax. Esthela Treviño and José Lema (eds.), 105–119. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
Kardela Henryk (1986). Wh-movement in English and Polish. Theoretical Implications. Lublin: UMCS.
Landau Idan (2010). The Locative Syntax of Experiencers. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Lavine, James, Franks Steven (2008). On accusative first. In Formal Approaches to Slavic Linguistics 16. Andrei Antonenko, John F. Bailyn, Christina Y. Bethin and Jindrich Toman (eds.), 231–247. Ann Arbor: Michigan Slavic Publications.
Legendre Geraldine (1989). Inversion with certain French Experiencer verbs. Language 65, 752–782.
Legendre Geraldine (1993). Antipassive with French psych-verbs. In Proceedings of WCCFL 12. Erin Dunca, Donka Farkas and Philip Saelti (eds.), 373–388. Stanford: CSLI Publications.
Marantz Alec (1984). On the Nature of Grammatical Relations. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Marín Rafael, Mcnally Louise (2011). Inchoativity, change of state, and telicity: Evidence from Spanish reflexive psychological verbs. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 29, 467–502.
Pesetsky David (1995). Zero Syntax: Experiencers and Cascades. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Pesetsky David, Torrego Esther (2001). T-to-C movement: Causes and consequences. In Ken Hale A Life in Language. Michael Kenstowicz (eds), 355–426. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Reinhart Tanya (2001). Experiencing derivations. Paper presented at SALT 11, 11–13 May, New York.
Roberts Ian (1991). NP-movement, crossover and chain formation. In Representation and Derivation in the Theory of Grammar. Hubert Haider and Klaus Netter (eds.), 17–52. Dordrecht: Kluwer.
Rozwadowska Bożena (2012). On the onset of psych eventualities. In Sound, Structure and Sense. Studies in Memory of Edmund Gussmann. Eugeniusz Cyran, Henryk Kardela and Bogdan Szymanek (eds.), 533–554. Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL.
Szupryczyńska Maria (1973). Syntaktyczna klasyfikacja czasowników przybiernikowych. Warszawa and Poznań: PWN.
Willim Ewa (1990). On Case-marking in Polish. Papers and Studies in Contrastive Linguistics 25, 203–220.
Witkoś Jacek (1998). The Syntax of Clitics. Steps towards a Minimalist Account. Poznań: Motivex.
Zabrocki Tadeusz (1981). Lexical Rules of Semantic Interpretation. Poznań: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu im. A. Mickiewicza w Poznaniu.
Żychliński Sylwiusz (2013). On some aspects of the syntax of Object Experiencers in Polish and English. Ph.D. dissertation, Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznań.
Information: Studies in Polish Linguistics, Volume 12 (2017), Vol. 12, Issue 2, pp. 57 - 73
Article type: Original article
Titles:
Passivisation of Polish Object Experiencer verbs vs. the unaccusativity hypothesis (Part 1)
The John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin, Al. Racławickie 14, 20-950 Lublin, Poland
Institute of English Studies,University of Wrocław, Kuźnicza 22, 50-138 Wrocław, Poland
University of Wrocław, plac Uniwersytecki 1, 50-137 Wrocław, Poland
Published at: 12.07.2017
Article status: Open
Licence: CC BY-NC-ND
Percentage share of authors:
Article corrections:
-Publication languages:
EnglishView count: 1823
Number of downloads: 1284